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INVESTIGATION  OF  COMMUNIST  ACTIVITIES  IN  THE 
NEW  YORK  CITY  AREA— PART  7 

(Based  on  Testimony  of  Manning  Johnson) 


HEARING 


BEFORE  THE 


COMMITTEE  ON  UK-AMERKTAN  ACTIVITIES 
•-1-^^  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 


EIGHTY-THIRD  CONGRESS 

FIRST  SESSION 


JULY  8,  1953 
Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 


UNITED  STATES 
GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
33909  WASHINGTON  :   1953 


Boston  Public  Library 
Superintendent  of  Documents 

SEP  1 1 1953 


COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 
United  States  House  of  Representatives 

HAROLD  H.  VELDE,  Illinois,  Chairman 
BERNARD  W.  KEARNEY,  New  York  FRANCIS  E.  WALTER.  Pennsylvania 

DONALD  L.  JACKSON,  California  MORGAN  M.  MOULDER,  Missouri 

KIT  CLARDY,  Michigan  CLYDE  DOYLE,  California 

GORDON  H.  SCHERER,  Ohio  JAMES  B.  FRAZIER,  Jr.,  Tennessee 

ROBIJUT  L.  KUNZIG,  Counsel 

Pra.xk  S.  T.4VF.NNER,  Jr.,  Couusel 

Louis  J.  Russell,  Chief  Invesfuiaior 

Thomas  W.  Beale,  Sr.,  Chief  Clerk 

Raphael  I.  Nixon,  Director  of  Research 

II 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Testimony  of  Maiming  Johnson 2145 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  1 :  New  Pioneer,  February  1933,  page  17, 
Science  and  History  for  Boys  and  Girls,  by  William  Montgomery  Brown, 

a  review  of  this  book  l)y  Bert  Grant 2150 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  2 :  New  Pioneer,  April  1932,  pages  3  and 

4.  article  entitled  "The  Puppet  Show,"  by  Clarina  Michelson 2153 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  3 :  New  Pioneer,  April  1934,  page  267,  story 

entitled  "Next  Time  It  Will  Be  Different,"  by  Martha  Campion,  illus- 
trated by  Walter  Quirt 2155 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  4  :  New  Pioneer,  April  1933,  page  15,  cartoon 

signed  "Lon  Freeman"' 2156 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  5 :  New  Pioneer,  February  1935,  pages  10 
and  11 V 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  6:  New  Pioneer,  December  1931,  pages  10 

and  11,  story  entitled  "St.  Peter's  Out,"  by  Harry  Alan  Potamkin 2158 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.   7 :  New  Pioneer,  October  1934,  page  10, 

article  entitled  "A  Bellyful  of  Bayonets" 2160 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  8:  New  Pioneer,  October  1931,  page  11, 

cartoon 2162 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  9 :  New  Pioneer,  February  1935,  pages  8  and 
9,  Little  Lefty  Reports  on  the  Workers'  Congress,  by  "Del" 2162 

Manning  Jolmson  Exhibit  No.  10:  The  Communist,  August  1939,  pages 
702  and  703,  excerpt  from  Secondary  Aspects  of  Mass  Organization,  by 
AVilliam  Z.  Foster 2167 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  11 :  Fight  magazine,  December  1935,  page  2, 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  officers  and  executive  com- 
mittee      2173 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  12 :  Fight  magazine,  February  1934,  page  11, 

article  entitled,  "Hit  Munition  INLakers" 2175 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  13 :  Figlit  magazine,  February  1936,  pages 
8  and  9,  article  entitled,  "The  Third  Congress  (Against  War  and 
Fascism),"  by  Paul  Reid 2191 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  14 :    Fight  magazine,  September  1934,  page 

5,  article  entitled,  "Anti-War  Congress,"  by  Earl  Browder 2193 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  15:    Fight  magazine,  February  1935,  page 

14,  article  entitled,  "The  League's  Program" 2195 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  Nos.  16  and  17 :  Fight  magazine,  February  1936, 
page  0,  article  entitled,  "Action"  Fight,  March  1936,  page  14,  article 
entitled,  "Program  of  the  American  League" 2196 

III 


Public  Law  601,  79th  Congress 

The  legislation  under  which  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  operates  is  Public  Law  601,  79th  Congress  [1946],  chapter 
753,  2d  session,  which  provides : 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  *  *  * 

PART  2— RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule  X 

SEC.  121.    STANDING  COMMITTEES 
******* 

17.  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  to  consist  of  nine  members. 

Rule  XI 

POWERS   AND  DUTIES  OF   COMMITTEES 
******* 

(q)    (1)  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

(A)   Un-American  activities. 

(2)  The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  as  a  whole  or  by  subcommit- 
tee, is  authorized  to  make  from  time  to  time  investigations  of  (i)  the  extent, 
character,  and  objects  of  un-American  propaganda  activities  in  the  United  States, 
(ii)  the  diffusion  within  the  United  States  of  subversive  and  un-American  propa- 
ganda that  is  instigated  from  foreign  countries  or  of  a  domestic  origin  and  attaclis 
the  principle  of  the  form  of  government  as  guaranteed  by  our  Constitution,  and 
(iii)  all  other  questions  in  relation  thereto  that  would  aid  Congress  in  any  neces- 
sary remedial  legislation. 

The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  shall  report  to  the  House  (or  to  the 
Clerk  of  the  House  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  the  results  of  any  such  in- 
vestigation, together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  any  such  investigation,  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  or  any  subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  at  such 
times  and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  or  not  the  House  is  sitting, 
has  recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  such  hearings,  to  require  the  attendance 
of  such  witnesses  and  the  production  of  such  books,  papers,  and  documents,  and 
to  take  such  testimony,  as  it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under 
the  signature  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  subcommittee,  or  by  any 
member  designated  by  any  such  chairman,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person 
designated  by  any  such  chairman  or  member. 

IV 


RULES  ADOPTED  BY  THE  S3d  CONGRESS 

House  Resolution  5,  January  3,  1953 
******* 

Rule  X 

STANDING  COMMITTEES 

1.  There  shall  be  elected  by  the  House,  at  the  commencement  of  each  Congress, 
the  following  standing  committees : 

******* 
(q)  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  to  consist  of  nine  members. 

******* 

Rule  XI 

POWERS  AND  DUTIES  OF  COMMITTEES 
******* 

17.  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

(a)  Un-American  Activities. 

(b)  The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  as  a  whole  or  by  subcommittee, 
is  authorized  to  make  from  time  to  time,  investigations  of  (1)  the  extent,  char- 
acter, and  objects  of  un-American  propaganda  activities  in  the  United  States, 

(2)  the  diffusion  within  the  United  States  of  subversive  and  un-American  prop- 
aganda that  is  instigated  from  foreign  countries  or  of  a  domestic  origin  and 
attacks  the  principle  of  the  form  of  government  as  guaranteed  by  our  Constitu- 
tion, and  (3)  all  other  questions  in  relation  thereto  that  would  aid  Congress  in 
any  necessary  remedial  legislation. 

The  Committee  on  Uu-American  Activities  shall  report  to  the  House  (or  to  the 
Clerk  of  the  House  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  the  results  of  any  such  investi- 
gation, together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  any  such  investigation,  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  or  any  subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  at  such  times 
and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  or  not  the  House  is  sitting,  has 
recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  such  hearings,  to  require  the  attendance  of 
such  witnesses  and  the  production  of  such  books,  papers,  and  documents,  and 
to  take  such  testimony,  as  it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under 
the  signature  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  subcommittee,  or  by  any 
member  designated  by  such  chairman,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person  designated 
by  any  such  chairman  or  member. 


'U-"t«.A-, 


Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  5 
(New  Pioneer,  February  1935,  pp.  10  and  11) 


VI 


INVESTIGATION  OF  COMMUNIST  ACTIVITIES  IN  THE 
NEW  YORK  CITY  AEEA-PART  7 

(Based  on  testimony  of  Manning  Johnson) 


WEDNESDAY,   JULY   8,    1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on 

Un-American  Activities, 

New  York,  N.  Y. 

executive  session^ 

The  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
met,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  at  10 :  05  a.  m.,  in  room  1305  of  the 
United  States  Courthouse,  Foley  Square,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Hon. 
Gordon  H.  Scherer  presiding. 

Committee  member  present:  Representative  Gordon  H.  Scherer. 

Staff  memb-ers  present:  Robert  L.  Kunzig,  counsel;  W.  Jackson 
Jones,  Alvin  W.  Stokes,  and  George  E.  Cooper,  investigators;  Larry 
Kerley,  special  investigator ;  and  Mrs.  Juliette  Joray ,  acting  clerk. 

]Mr.  Scherer.  Let  the  record  show  that  the  Honorable  Harold  H. 
Velde,  chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities, 
has  appointed  Representative  (jordon  H.  Scherer,  of  Ohio,  as  a  sub- 
connnittee  of  one  to  conclude  the  New  York  hearings. 

Present  are  Mr.  Robert  L.  Kunzig,  counsel  of  the  committee,  and 
Mrs.  Juliette  Joray,  acting  clerk. 

Mr.  Counsel,  you  may  proceed. 

jNIr.  Kunzig.  We  are  ready  for  the  witness,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Will  Mr.  INIanning  Johnson  please  step  forward? 

Mr.  Scherer.  Mr.  Johnson,  do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testi- 
mony you  are  about  to  give  before  this  subcommittee  shall  be  the 
truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do. 

]Mr.  Kunzig.  Would  you  state  your  full  name  for  the  record  and 
spell  it,  please,  for  the  stenographer. 

TESTIMONY  OF  MANNING  JOHNSON 

Mr.  Johnson.  Manning  Johnson,  M-a-n-n-i-n-g  J-o-h-n-s-o-n. 
Mr.  Kunzig.  What  is  your  present  address,  Mr.  Johnson? 
Mr.  Johnson.  My  present  address  is  70  Columbus  Avenue. 
Mr.  Kunzig.  I  note,  Mr.  Johnson,  that  you  are  not  accompanied  by 
counsel  here  this  morning.     I  am  sure  you  understand  you  are  privi- 


I 


1  Released  by  the  full  committee. 

2145 


2146  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

leged  to  be  advised  by  an  attorney  at  all  times  while  testifying  if  you 
so  desire.     Do  I  take  it  that  you  prefer  to  testify  without  an  attorney  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  do. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Then  we  will  continue.  Would  you  give  the  subcom- 
mittee a  resume  of  your  educational  and  occupational  background? 
Just  tell  us  your  experiences,  your  main  experiences  up  to  date. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  was  born  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  December  18,  1907. 
I  was  educated  in  the  elementary,  junior  high,  and  high  school  in 
Washington,  D.  C.  I  graduated  from  the  Naval  Air  Technical  Train- 
ing School  in  Memphis,  Tenn.  I  graduated  from  the  national  training 
school  of  the  Communist  Party.  m 

Mr.  KuNziG.  What  year  was  that?  ^ 

Mr.  Johnson.  1932.  At  the  present  time  I  am  employed  as  a  con- 
sultant in  the  Investigation  Section  of  the  Department  of  Justice, 
Immigration  and  Naturalization  Service,  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
In  1930,  in  the  city  of  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  I  joined  the  Communist  Party, 
In  1931  I  was  appointed  district  agitation  and  propaganda  director, 
a  position  which  I  held  until  1932.  In  the  latter  part  of  1932  I  was 
appointed  district  organizer  of  the  Communist  Party  in  Buffalo, 
N.  Y.,  district  No.  4.  I  remained  district  organizer  until  the  middle 
of  1934.  I  was  later  transferred  to  New  York  City,  the  headquarters 
of  the  Communist  Party  in  America. 

In  1934  or  1935  I  became  a  member  of  the  trade  union  commission 
of  the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party.  I  held  this  posi- 
tion until  1940. 

I  was  also  a  member  of  the  national  Negro  commission  of  the  na- 
tional committee  of  tlie  Communist  Party.  I  was  appointed  to  this 
position  in  either  1934  or  1935.  I  held  this  position  up  until  I  left 
the  party  in  1940.  I  was  also  a  member  of  the  national  committee  of 
the  Communist  Party.  I  was  elected  to  the  national  committee  at 
the  national  convention  of  the  Communist  Party  in  1936.  I  remained 
a  member  of  the  national  committee  until  the  national  convention  of 
the  Communist  Party  in  1938. 

I  left  the  Communist  Party — that  is,  I  attended  my  last  meeting  in 
1940,  though  I  had  decided  in  1939  that  I  was  tlirough  with  com- 
munism and  that  forever  after  I  would  conscientiously  and  vigorously 
oppose  it,  vocally  and  spiritually. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  this  committee  is  studying  the  activities 
of  certain  individuals  in  the  field  of  clergy  with  special  attention  to 
their  alleged  Communist  and  subversive  activities.  Since  you  have 
such  a  fund  of  knowledge  of  the  activities  of  Communists  in  this  coun- 
try, would  you  state  briefly  the  Communist  position  on  religion? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Briefly,  the  Communist  Party  is  antireligious. 
Communism  and  religion  have  nothing  in  common.  Religion  is  the 
antithesis  of  communism.  Consequently,  the  Communists  are  un- 
alterably opposed  to  it,  and  their  program  calls  for  a  ceaseless  struggle 
or  war  to  the  complete  extermination  and  extinction  of  religion  from 
the  face  of  the  earth.  Atheism,  as  I  know  it,  on  the  basis  of  my  per- 
sonal experience  as  a  Communist  and  my  study  of  the  documents  of 
the  party — that  no  member  of  the  Communist  Party  can  be  a  member 
of  the  party  unless  he  becomes  an  atheist. 

I  have  here  a  statement  by  Earl  BroAvder  "Wliat  is  Communism?" 
page  146,  in  which  he  states  in  reply  to  the  question,  "Must  a  member 
of  the  Communist  Party  be  an  atheist?"  that — 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2147 

The  Comniunists  maintain  that  the  roliffious  holiofs  of  a  person  are  his  private 
concern  in  rehition  to  the  state  and  j,^ovornniontal  policies.  The  state  should 
not  dictate  religious  beliefs.  We  Communists  are  completely  opposed  on  prin- 
ciple to  state  coercion  in  regard  to  ri^ligious  beliefs.  Of  course  Communists  do 
not  believe  religion  to  be  a  private  matter  insofar  as  it  concerns  mcnnbers  of  our 
revolutionary  party.  We  stand  without  any  reservations  for  education  that  will 
root  out  belief  in  "the  supernatural,  that  will  remove  the  religious  prejudices 
which  stand  in  the  way  of  organizing  the  masses  for  socialism,  that  will  with- 
draw the  special  privileges  of  religious  institutions,  but  as  far  as  religious  workers 
go,  tlie  party  does  not  insist  that  they  abandon  their  beliefs  before  they  join  the 
partv.  Our  test  for  such  people  is  whether  they  represent  and  fight  for  the 
aspiration  of  the  masses.  If  they  do,  we  will  welcome  them  into  our  party 
and  we  exercise  no  coercion  against  their  religious  beliefs  within  our  movement. 

We  subject  their  religious  beliefs  to  careful  and  systematic  criticism,  and  we 
expect  that  they  will  not  be  able  to  withstand  this  educational  process.  It  is 
our  experience  "that  their  work  in  the  movement  will  bring  them  to  see  the 
correctness  of  our  viewpoint  on  the  question. 

Mv.  KuxziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  do  you  by  any  chance  have  the  date  that 
the  book,  What  Is  Communism  ?  was  published  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  it  was  published  in  1936,  Workers  Library  Pub- 
lishers, in  New  York. 

INIr.  KuNziG.  As  I  understand  it,  then,  Mr.  Johnson,  you  are  saying, 
in  effect,  that  atheism  is  a  must  for  all  Communists. 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  is  a  must. 

I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  an  additional  quote  from  Earl 
Browder's  book.  What  Is  Communism?  in  which  he  says  that — 

It  is  significant  that  the  Communist  Party,  more  than  any  other  labor  group, 
has  been  able  to  achieve  successful  united  fronts  with  church  groups  on  the 
most  important  issues  of  the  day.  This  is  not  due  to  any  compromise  with  reli- 
gion as  such  on  our  part.  In  fact,  by  going  among  the  religious  masses  we  are, 
for  the  first  time,  able  to  bring  our  antireligious  ideas  to  them. 

This  is  pa^e  147,  chapter  17,  "Wliat  About  Religion  ? 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  Do  you  have  further  documentary  evidence  proving 
the  point  that  you  are  making  that  Communists  are  unalterably 
opposed  to  religion  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  have,  and  I  would  like  to  quote  from  one  of 
the  international  leaders  of  the  Communist  movement  and  a  member 
of  the  Communist  Party  of  Russia,  E.  Yaroslavsky.  From  his  book 
I  quote.  Religion  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  and,  of  course,  published  by 
International   Publishers   in   New   York,    a   Communist   publishing 


agency 

ISIr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  the  date  ? 
Mr.  Johnson.  1934.     He  states : 

Is  it  not  possible  to  be  a  Communist  and  at  the  same  time  believe  in  religion ; 
i.  e.,  believe  that  the  whole  world  is  controlled  by  a  god  or  number  of  gods  and 
that  everything  on  earth  is  done  by  the  will  of  these  gods  or  of  their  assistance? 
The  saints  or  the  malice  of  evil  spirits,  devils,  flpuds,  Satan V  Is  it  possible  to 
live  without  believing  in  God  and  yet  preserving  morality? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  You  are  still  quoting,  but  you  have  skipped  something, 
have  you  not  ? 
Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Every  Leninist,  every  Communist,  every  class-conscious  worker  and  peasant 
must  be  able  to  explain  why  a  Communist  cannot  support  religion,  why  Commu- 
nists fight  against  religion,  and  every  Communist  must  be  able  to  answer  the 
questions  put  to  him  by  his  fellow  workers  on  that  subject. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Were  you,  Mr.  Johnson,  ever  personally  given  instruc- 
tion in  atheism  ? 

33909— 53— rt.  7 2 


2148  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  was.  When  I  first  joined  the  Communist 
Party,  the  district  organizer,  Peter  Chaunt,  C-h-a-u-n-t,  and  a  mem- 
ber of  the  district  bureau  and  the  district  committee  of  the  Communist 
Party  by  the  name  of  Otto  Hall,  talked  at  great  length  to  me  on  the  sub- 
ject of  communism  and  religion.  The  essence  of  what  they  said  was 
that  man  made  God,  not  God  made  man,  and  that  the  duty  of  every 
Communist  is  to  rid  himself  of  the  supernatural  bondage  of  religion ; 
that  religion  is  used  by  the  powers  that  be  in  order  to  keep  the  masses 
of  the  people  in  docile  submission  to  exploitation.  Therefore,  the 
liberation  of  the  masses  of  humanity  is  dependent  upon  their  emanci- 
pation from  religious  ideology. 

In  addition  to  these  so-called  lessons  of  indoctrination,  they  gave  me 
Lenin's  writings  on  religion,  in  which  he  states  practically  the  same 
thing. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  When  and  where  was  this  given  to  you,  Mr.  Johnson  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  This  was  in  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  when  I  first  joined  the 
party,  in  1930. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  samples  of  any  printed  instruction 
which  was  given  to  you  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  do  have.  I  was  given  the  pamphlets  and 
booklets  that  were  written  by  Bishop  William  Montgomery  Brown. 
He  was  a  prominent  Episcopalian  bishop  who  was  expelled  from  the 
church  because  of  heresy.  He  devoted  the  balance  of  his  life  to  a 
war  on  religion.  He  published  such  books  as  the  Banki-uptcy  of 
Christian  Supernaturalism,  Heresy,  and  others.  The  Communist 
Party  received  a  large  supply  of  these  antireligious  pamphlets,  and 
they  circulated  them  very  extensively.  They  either  gave  them  away 
or  sold  them. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Throughout  the  United  States  of  America? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  throughout  the  United  States. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Let  me  just  ask  one  question.  You  have  here  with 
you  this  morning  some  of  the  books  and  pamphlets  of  Bishop  Brown 
to  which  you  have  referred ;  have  you  not  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  have. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Would  you  just  for  the  record  say  which  ones  are 
in  your  possession  at  this  time  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  a  copy  of  the  Bankruptcy  of  Christian  Super- 
naturalism,  volumes  1,  2,  and  3. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Mr.  Johnson,  in  the  books  of  Bishop  Brown  to  which 
you  have  just  referred,  is  there  anything  of  significance  which  should 
be  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  committee  ? 

_  Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  there  is.    He  states  in  Communism  and  Chris- 
tianism,  on  page  210 : 

Christianism  is  nothing  to  eitlier  the  owners  or  workers  in  the  sky,  for  Its 
God  and  heaven,  devil  and  hell  are  lies,  and  neither  religious  Christianism  or 
political  republicanism  or  democratism,  not  to  speak  of  the  other  evils  of  re- 
ligion and  politics,  offers  the  workers  aught  on  earth.  Capitalism  is  the  god 
of  this  world,  of  no  part  of  it  no  more  than  of  these  United  States,  and  capi- 
talism is  to  the  laborer  a  wrong,  lying,  murderous  devil,  not  a  good  divinity. 

I  may  also  state  that  the  main  theme  of  Bishop  Brown  was  to 
banish  gods  from  the  heavens  and  capitalists  from  the  earth  for  the 
science  of  Moscow  against  the  superstition  of  Eome. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES   IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA        2149 

Bishop  Brown  not  only  wrote  such  books  for  adults,  but  he  also 
wrote  books  for  children  in  order  to  indoctrinate  them  in  atheisni. 

Mr.  SciiERER.  Let  me  ask  at  this  point,  is  Bishop  Brown  still  alive  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  Bishop  Brown  is  dead  and  incidentally,  he  willed 
his  entire  estate  to  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  When  did  he  die ;  do  you  know  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  recall. 

Mr.  SciiERER.  Approximately. 

Mr.  Johnson.  About  10  years  ago. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  And  he  was  bishop  of  what  church? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Episcopal  bishop,  but  I  do  not  know  exactly  which 
church. 

I  stated  before  that  he  also  issued  antireligious  material  for  chil- 
dren, and  I  have  here  a  photostatic  copy  taken  from  the  New  Pioneer, 
the  second  month  in  the  33d  year.  That  is  February  1933.  This  is 
an  article  Science  and  Nature  for  Johnny  Rebel,  by  Bert  Grant,  which 
was  a  review  of  a  book  written  by  Bishop  Brown,  and  Grant  said : 

Once  there  was  a  young  man  who  made  his  living  by  telling  the  workers  fairy 
tales  about  how  the  world  was  created.  He  also  told  them  how  the  world  was 
going  to  end  and  what  they  must  do  to  be  saved  when  that  happened.  Most  of 
all,  he  was  trained  to  lead  the  minds  of  workers  and  their  children  away  from 
their  problems  on  this  earth  and  to  occupy  their  attention  as  much  as  possible 
with  affairs  in  some  supposed  other  world  beyond  the  sky.  That  is  what  all 
ministers  and  priests  make  their  living  by  doing,  and  this  young  man  was  a 
minister.  He  preached  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  but  as  he  grew  older,  he  came 
to  see  how  false  his  preaching  was  and  how  it  really  held  the  workers  and  their 
children  back  instead  of  helping  them.  He  therefore  began  to  talk  and  write 
in  a  different  way.  He  began  to  show  the  workers  how  the  churches  had  always 
taught  them  what  was  not  true  and  how  these  untrue  teachings  had  stood  in 
the  way  of  human  progress.  For  that  lie  was  thrown  out  of  the  church.  Now 
he  has  written  a  grand  book,  especially  for  workers'  children,  putting  2  billion 
years  of  science  and  history  into  a  simple,  thrilling  story  that  every  Johnny  and 
Jill  Rebel  can  read  and  enjoy,  and  how  different  it  is  from  the  dull  mistaken 
stuff  they  teach  in  school  and  church.  No  lists  of  dates  and  presidents,  no 
hocus  pocus  about  spirits  that  don't  exist,  no  comments  to  be  loyal  to  the  em- 
ployers and  their  government  and  let  them  keep  on  robbing  us — quite  the  oppo- 
site. Every  page  tears  to  tatters  some  pet  idea  that  the  bosses  try  to  make,  the 
teachers  try  to  force  into  their  heads. 

Let  us  take  two  sets  of  statements.  Set  No.  1  is:  The  earth  is  4,000  years 
old ;  the  world  and  all  li^■ing  things  in  it  were  made  in  1  week ;  everything  was 
created  by  a  Spirit  called  God;  men  were  all  wicked  until  Christian  religion 
came  into  the  world  to  teach  them  goodness ;  the  church  built  the  first  schools 
and  hospitals  and  abolished  slavery,  helped  science  to  grow,  and  established 
human  brotherhood. 

If  the  workers  come  into  power  as  in  the  Russian  revolution,  they  will  act 
cruelly  and  stupidly  and  destroy  civilization. 

You'd  get  an  A-plus  if  you  answered  "True"  to  these  statements  in  most 
schools,  wouldn't  you  ?    But  let  us  look  at  set  No.  2  : 

The  earth  is  2  billion  years  old.  For  millions  of  years  there  was  no  life 
on  the  earth.  Then  the  very  tiny  plants  called  bacteria  appeared  in  the  hot 
ocean  and  very  gradually  the  life  so  started  and  developed  in  all  plants  and 
animals  we  have  now,  and  man  was  the  latest  animal  to  develop,  coming  about 
a  million  years  ago.  There  are  no  spirits  and  everything  there  grew  to  its 
present  condition  without  the  interference  of  any  god.  Great  thinkers  taught 
goodness  and  science  and  people  were  industrious  and  kindhearted  long  before 
Christianity  existed.  The  church  was  always  in  favor  of  slavery,  tyranny  and 
war,  did  everything  it  could  to  crush  science  and  has  stood  with  the  rich  and 
powerful  against  the  workers  in  every  age.  The  Russian  revolution  in  which 
the  workers  are  planning  their  own  life  and  using  for  themselves  the  wealth 
they  create,  is  the  most  important  single  advance  civilization  has  made. 

Quite  a  different  point  of  view,  isn't  it?  But  this  is  the  truth  and  set  No.  1  is 
bunk,  and  these  are  only  a  few  of  the  fascinating  facts  this  inspiring  book  will 


2150         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

tell  you ;  even  though  there  are  no  pictures,  you  will  spend  many  an  interesting 
hour  reading  the  little  volume  and  talking  about  it  with  your  comrades. 

The  name  of  the  book?  Oh,  yes.  It  Is  Science  and  History  for  Boys  and  Girls 
by  William  Montgomery  Brown.  It  has  320  pages,  and  you  can  get  it  through  the 
New  Pioneer  office  for  only  25  cents. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  you  are  testifying  that  this  type  of 
printed  material,  poisoning  the  minds  of  American  youths,  was  sent 
out  by  the  Communist  Party  all  over  this  country,  is  that  right? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  that  is  correct,  and  mind  you,  those  are  young 
people  between  the  ages  of  10  and  16. 

Mr,  KuNziG.  I  have  here  a  photostatic  copy  of  page  17,  of  New 
Pioneer,  issue  of  February  1933,  which  has  just  been  read  by  the  wit- 
ness, headed  "Science  and  Nature  for  Johnny  Rebel."  It  is  marked 
"Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  1,"  and  I  should  like  to  offer  it  into 
evidence. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  photostatic  copy  of  the  article,  Science  and  Nature  for  Johnny 
Rebel,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  1.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  1 

(New  Pioneer,  February  1933,  p.  17) 

Science  and  Nature  For  Johnny  Eebel 

A  Grand  New  Science  Book  by  Bert  Grant 

Once  there  was  a  young  man  who  made  his  living  by  telling  the  workers  fairy 
tales  about  how  the  world  was  created.  He  also  told  them  how  the  world  was 
going  to  end,  and  what  they  must  do  to  be  "saved"  when  that  happened.  Most  of 
all,  he  was  trained  to  lead  the  minds  of  the  workers  and  their  children  away 
from  their  problems  on  this  earth,  and  to  occupy  their  attention  as  much  as 
possible  with  affairs  in  some  supposed  "other  world"  beyond  the  sky. 

That  is  what  all  ministers  and  priests  make  their  living  by  doing,  and  this 
young  man  was  a  minister.  He  preached  in  the  Episcopal  Church.  But  as  he 
grew  older  he  came  to  see  how  false  this  preaching  was,  and  how  it  really  held 
the  workers  and  their  children  back  instead  of  helping  them.  He  therefore 
began  to  talk  and  write  in  a  very  different  way.  He  began  to  show  the  workers 
how  the  churches  had  always  taught  them  what  was  not  true,  and  how  these 
untrue  teachings  had  stood  in  the  way  of  human  progress.  For  that  he  was 
thrown  out  of  the  church. 

Now  he  has  written  a  gi-and  book  especially  for  workers'  children,  putting  2 
billion  years  of  science  and  history  into  a  simple,  thrilling  story  that  every  Johnny 
and  Jill  Rebel  can  read  and  enjoy. 

And  how  different  it  all  is  from  the  dull,  mistaken  stuff  they  teach  us  in  school 
and  church.  No  lists  of  dates  and  presidents,  no  hocus-pocus  about  spirits  that 
don't  exist,  no  comments  to  be  "loyal"  to  the  employers  and  their  government  and 
let  them  keep  on  robbing  us. 

Quite  the  opposite.  Every  page  tears  to  tatters  some  pet  idea  that  the  bosses 
try  to  make  the  teachers  try  to  force  into  our  heads. 

Let  us  take  two  sets  of  statements.     Set  No.  1  is : 

The  earth  is  4,000  years  old. 

The  world  and  all  living  things  in  it  were  made  in  1  week. 

Everything  was  created  by  a  Spirit  called  God. 

Men  were  all  wicked  until  the  Christian  religion  came  into  the  world  to 
teach  goodness. 

The  church  built  the  first  schools  and  hospitals,  abolished  slavery,  helped 
science  to  grow  and  established  human  brotherhood. 

If  the  workers  come  into  power,  as  in  the  Russian  Revolution,  they  will  act 
cruelly  and  stupidly  and  destroy  civilization. 

You'd  get  an  A-plus  if  you  answered  "true"  to  those  statements  in  most  schools, 
wouldn't  you?     But  now  let  us  look  at  set  No.  2 : 

The  earth  is  2  billion  years  old. 


COMLIUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN   THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2151 

For  millions  of  years  there  was  no  life  on  the  earth.  Then  very  tiny  plants, 
called  bacteria,  appeared  in  the  hot  oceans,  and  very  gradually  the  life  so  started 
developed  into  all  plants  and  animals  we  have  now.  Man  was  the  latest  animal 
to  develop,  coming  about  a  million  years  ago. 

There  are  no  spirits,  and  everything  there  grew  to  its  present  condition  with- 
out the  interference  of  any  god. 

Great  thinkers  taught  goodness  and  science,  and  people  were  industrious  and 
kindhearted  long  before  Christianity  existed. 

The  church  was  always  in  favor  of  slavery,  tyranny,  and  war,  did  everything 
it  could  to  crush  science,  and  has  stood  with  the  rich  and  powerful  against  the 
workers  in  every  age. 

The  Russian  revolution,  in  which  the  workers  are  planning  their  own  lives  and 
using  for  themselves  the  wealth  they  create,  is  the  most  important  single  advance 
civilization  has  ever  made. 

Quite  a  different  point  of  view,  isn't  it?  But  this  is  the  truth,  and  set  No.  1 
is  bunk.  And  these  are  only  a  few  of  the  fascinating  facts  this  inspiring  book 
will  tell  you.  Even  though  there  are  no  pictures,  you'll  spend  many  an  inter- 
esting hour  reading  the  little  volume  and  talking  about  it  with  your  comrades. 

The  name  of  the  book?  Oh,  yes — it  is  Science  and  History  for  Boys  and 
Girls,  by  William  Montgomery  Brown.  It  has  320  pages,  and  you  can  get  it 
through  the  New  Pioneer  office  for  only  25  cents. 

Mv.  KuNziG.  Yoli  have  just  given  us  an  example  of  the  type  of 
printed  material  which  is  sent  out  to  children.  Would  you  go  a  little 
bit  further  into  the  type  of  instruction  which  the  youth  and  the  chil- 
dren receive  under  commimism? 

Mr.  Johnson.  When  I  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  the 
Communist  Party  paid  special  attention  to  the  indoctrination  of  the 
youth.  They  in  fact  issued  special  bulletins  instructing  leaders  and 
teachers  with  regard  to  the  type  of  training  for  the  youth. 

I  have  here  in  my  possession  a  pamphlet,  The  Worker's  Child,  which 
was  published  in  April  1933  by  the  Central  Pioneer  Bureau.  It  is  a 
bulletin  for  teachers,  leaders,  and  parents  of  proletarian  and  foreign 
children.  I  wish  to  quote  from  this  book  to  give  you  an  indication  of 
the  kind  and  nature  of  training  and  where  it  comes  from  that  these 
children  were  to  be  given. 

IMr.  KuNziG.  Please  continue  and  give  us  a  brief  and  most  important 
quote. 

Mr.  Johnson,  On  page  6  it  states : 

It  was  only  in  the  summer  of  1930  with  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  on  work 
among  cliildren  by  the  executive  committee  of  the  Young  Communist  International 
and  Communist  International  that  a  change  took  place  in  our  conception  of  work 
among  children.  This  line  was  further  emphasized  successively  by  the  sixth 
convention  of  the  Young  Communist  League  in  its  pioneer  commission  and  by  a 
recent  resolution  of  the  central  committee  of  the  Communist  Party.  These  docu- 
ments clarified  further  the  basic  line  underlying  a  Communist  approach  to  child 
education,  the  necessity  for  childlike  methods  of  work  as  well  as  the  role  of  the 
working  class  as  a  whole  in  the  development  of  a  mass  childi'en's  movement. 
During  this  time  the  Pioneer  magazine  was  developed.  While  it  is  necessary  to 
understand  the  resolution  of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  light  of  development 
of  our  movement,  it  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  article  to  go  into  detail  on  this 
subject. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  We  will  have  a  short  recess. 
( Where uj)on  a  short  recess  was  taken.) 

Mr.  KuNzio.  Was  the  Young  Communist  League  for  young  people 
of  ages  16  to  25,  is  that  correct  ? 
Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  The  Young  Pioneers  were  from  ages  10  to  16  ? 
Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 


2152  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  This  magazine,  the  New  Pioneer,  was  a  Communist 
Party  publication,  I  presume,  issued  by  the  children's  bureau  of  the 
Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Johnson,  Yes ;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  documents  or  material  evi- 
dence you  can  present  to  this  committee  illustrating  the  type  of  prop- 
aganda which  was  put  out  by  the  Communist  Party  in  religion  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  have ;  and  before  I  present  that,  I  would  like 
to  state  that  what  is  written  in  the  Pioneer  magazine  is  written  directly 
and  not  in  a  roundabout  way,  because  that  is  necessary  for  the  proper 
education  of  the  child. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  You  mean  the  Communist  Party  does  not  attempt  to 
beat  around  the  bush  when  they  are  dealing  with  children.  They  deal 
directly  and  say  what  they  mean  so  that  it  can  penetrate  the  children's 
minds  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

I  have  before  me  a  cartoon  and  an  article  written  by  Clarina  Michel- 
son,  who  has  for  years  been  a  leader  of  the  Communist  Party  with 
whom  I  have  worked  in  leading  committees  of  the  party  during  the 
period  of  my  membership.  The  subject  of  this  article,  I  quote,  "The 
Puppet  Show."  Now,  this  cartoon  shows  a  capitalist  with  a  fistful  of 
money  manipulating  puppets.  The  puppets  are  a  sheriff,  a  policeman, 
a  minister,  a  judge,  and  a  plant  guard.  The  moral  of  this  story  is  that 
the  puppets  are  only  the  tools  of  the  capitalist  class. 

Now,  Clarina  Michelson  makes  this  very  clear  in  the  concluding 
2  paragraphs  of  the  2  stories  which  I  would  like  to  read  into  the 
record. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  quote : 

And  they  had  the  idea  that  when  the  United  States  Constitution  guaranteed 
them  the  rights  of  free  speech  and  free  assemblage  that  they  had  a  right  to  meet 
and  spealc.  They  were  surprised  and  they  began  to  think,  and  then  they  saw 
that  there  were  two  sides,  that  they  and  their  wives  and  the  kids,  all  workers, 
were  on  one  side,  and  that  on  the  otlier  side  were  the  coal  operators,  mill  owners, 
and  all  the  otlier  capitalists,  together  with  the  governors,  judges,  city.  State, 
and  Federal  authorities,  together  with  the  newspapers,  churches,  schools,  and 
the  law,  and  they  saw  that  all  these  were  linked  up  together  and  all  were  part 
of  the  same  thing.  When  workers  and  their  kids  think  that  clearly  and  see  that 
clearly,  it  is  pretty  good  thinking,  and  when  enough  of  us  do,  we  will  give  that 
puppet  show  such  a  sock  it  will  be  smashed  to  smithereens  and  we  will  give  the 
fat  manager  of  the  show,  Mr.  Capitalist,  such  a  big  kick  in  the  middle  of  his 
system  that  he  will  see  the  workers  have  come  into  their  own — and  they  will 
have. 

Mr.  Ktjnzig.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  in  my  hand  a  photostatic  copy 
of  this  document  by  Clarina  Michelson  which  has  just  been  identified 
here  by  the  witness.  It  is  an  article  appearing  on  pages  3  and  4  of 
the  New  Pioneer,  issite  of  April  1932.  It  is  marked  "Manning  John- 
son Exhibit  No.  2"  for  identification,  and  I  should  like  to  offer  this 
into  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  2. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  so  admitted. 

(The  article,  The  Puppet  Show,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Man- 
ning Johnson  Exhibit  No.  2.) 


COMMUNIST   ACTWITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2153 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  2 

New  Pioneer,  April  ld'i2,  Pages  3-4 

The  Puppet  Show 

By  Clarina  Michelson 

Do  yon  know  what  a  pnppet  show  is?  Well,  there  is  a  stage,  very  small,  too 
small  for  real  people  to  act  on.  The  actors  on  this  stage  are  jointed  wooden  dolls. 
They  are  dressed  up  like  real  men  and  women.  They  walk  and  sit  down  and 
dance  and  turn  somersaults,  and  you  wonder — How  come?  And  then  you  see 
that  a  siring  is  attached  to  each  one  of  them  and  all  these  strings  are  held  by 
the  manager  of  the  show.  When  he  pulls  the  strings  they  jump.  They  do  just 
what  he  wants  them  to  do. 

It  *****  * 

Down  in  the  State  of  Kentucky  the  miners  have  been  digging  coal  way  under- 
ground, at  the  daily  risk  of  their  lives,  working  for  long  hours — 10  and  12  hours  a 
day.  Instead  of  getting  extra  high  wages  for  slaving  under  very  terrible  condi- 
tions— sometimes  bent  over  double,  sometimes  working  in  water,  sometimes  be- 
coming unconscious  from  the  bad  air  in  the  mines — these  coal  diggers  get  hardly 
any  wages  at  all.  When  they  get  back  to  their  leaky  shacks  after  a  hard  day's 
work,  they  would  find  the  children  had  not  been  able  to  go  to  school  because  they 
had  no  clothes,  that  the  baby  was  sick  because  there  was  no  milk,  and  there  was 
nothing  to  eat  for  supper  except  the  same  old  potatoes,  pinto  beans,  and  corn- 
bread. 

The  miners  and  their  wives  were  angry  that  wages  were  so  low  and  conditions 
so  bad.  Almost  every  miner  thought  to  himself,  "This  can't  go  on.  I  must  do 
something  to  get  food  and  clothes  for  the  wife  and  kids."  But  they  didn't  know 
just  what  to  do.  Then  last  summer  a  group  of  Kentucky  miners  went  to  a  big 
convention  of  the  National  Miners  Union  in  Pittsburgh  and  then  they  said :  "This 
won't  go  on!  We  will  do  something!"  Other  miners  in  Kentucky  heard  about 
the  National  Miners  Union  and  pretty  soon,  instead  of  each  one  thinking  to  him- 
self what  he  would  do,  they  were  all  thinking  together  what  they  would  do. 
They  decided  to  build  up  a  strong  union — and  strike  against  starvation.  And 
they  did.  The  men  of  each  mine  organized  a  union  local  of  that  mine.  And 
the  women  organized  branches,  too.  And  so  did  the  children.  On  .January  18 
thousands  of  miners,  helped  and  encouraged  by  their  wives  and  kids,  came  out 
on  strike. 

*  *  *  *  55:  *  sjs 

Here's  where  the  puppet  show  comes  in.  Try  to  imagine  that  evei'y  news])aper 
all  over  the  State  of  Kentucky  is  I'epresented  by  one  of  those  little  wodden  dolls. 
Try  to  imagine  that  all  the  churches  are  represented  by  another,  and  that  all  the 
judges,  county,  and  district  attorneys,  policemen,  and  deputy  sheriffs,  are  repre- 
sented by  other  dolls.  Attached  to  each  one  of  these  dolls  is  a  string,  and  the 
strings  are  held  in  the  hands  of  a  big  fat  manager  of  the  show,  representing  the 
coal  operators. 

When  this  show  manager  heard  the  voices  of  the  miners  growing  louder  and 
louder,  saying  they  were  organizing  and  going  to  strike,  he  got  purple  Iti  the  face 
from  rage.  "How  dare  my  slaves  interfere  with  my  profits !"  he  howled.  "How 
dare  they !  I'll  show  them  who's  boss  around  here !"  And  he  quickly  pulled  one 
of  the  strings. 

Typewriters  began  to  click,  and  every  newspaper  all  over  Kentucky  began  to 
gi-ind  out :  "The  Kentucky  miners  are  Russian  Reds.  They  will  destroy  the 
property  of  the  rich.  They  will  break  up  the  home.  They  must  be  driven  out, 
arrested,  or  killed." 

Then  he  pulled  another  string,  and  from  every  church  all  over  Kentucky  shrill 
voices  screeched  :  "Outside  agitators  have  come  into  our  fair  southland,  upset- 
ting the  peace  and  harmony  the  miners  were  enjoying.  Cdmmunism  is  a  slim.v 
serpent.  It  aims  to  destroy  the  chui'ches  (where  we  get  a  good  fat  living).  It 
says  there  is  no  God.  These  foreigners  who  dare  to  demand  higher  wages  for  our 
contented  working  class  must  be  driven  out,  arrested,  killed." 

Then  he  pulled  some  more  strings,  and  all  the  policemen,  deputy  sheriffs,  and 
underworld  characters,  arrived  with  high-powered  rifles  and  machine  guns. 
They  swarmed  to  wherever  the  miners  were,  shouting,  "There'll  be  no  meetings. 


2154  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

No  more  speeches.  "We've  come  to  shoot  down  women  and  children.  Anyone 
trying  to  meet  or  speali,  for  the  National  Miners  Union,  Workers  International 
Relief,  or  International  Labor  Defense,  must  be  driven  out,  arrested,  or  killed." 

Then  he  pulled  another  string,  and  every  potbellied  judge  all  over  Kentucky 
solemnly  nooded  his  head,  and  said :  "We  must  protect  our  property.  We  must 
protect  our  profits.  A  drop  of  Kentucky  blood  is  worth  more  than  all  the  Reds 
in  the  world.  The  electric  chair  is  too  good  for  them.  They  should  be  lined  up 
against  a  wall  and  shot.  Guilty.  Guilty.  Slam  'em  all  in  jail.  Give  them  21 
years."     He  pulled  another  string,  and  the  Governor  said,  "Amen."  *  *  * 

The  Kentucky  miners,  whose  ancestors  were  early  American  settlers,  had  be- 
lieved what  they  read  in  the  papers.  Now  they  were  surprised  to  find  they  had 
suddenly  become  Russian  Reds.  "If  organizing  and  striking  against  starvation 
and  terror  is  l)eing  a  Red,  I  guess  I  am  a  Red,"  they  said.  Many  of  them  had 
thought  that  the  law  was  "for  rich  and  poor  alike." 

Now  they  saw  different.  And  they  had  an  idea  that  when  the  United  States 
Constitution  guaranteed  them  the  rights  of  free  speech  and  free  assemblage,  that 
they  had  a  right  to  meet  and  speak.  They  were  surprised  and  they  began  to 
think.  And  then  they  saw  that  there  were  two  sides ;  that  they,  and  their  wives 
and  kids — all  workers,  were  on  one  side.  And  that  on  the  other  side  were  the 
coal  operators,  mill  owners,  and  all  the  other  capitalists,  together  with  the 
governors,  judges,  city,  State,  and  Federal  authorities.  Together  with  the  news- 
papers, churches,  schools,  and  the  law.  And  they  saw  that  all  these  were  linked 
up  together,  and  all  were  part  of  the  same  thing. 

When  workers  and  their  kids  think  that  clearly,  and  see  that  clearly,  it  is 
pretty  good  thinking.  And  when  enough  of  us  do,  we  will  give  that  puppet  show 
such  a  sock,  it  will  be  smashed  to  smithereens,  and  we  will  give  the  fat  manager 
of  the  show,  Mr.  Capitalist,  such  a  big  kick  in  the  middle  of  his  system,  that 
he'll  see  the  workers  have  come  into  their  own.    And  they  will  have. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  here  also  another  cartoon  and  an  article,  the 
subject  of  which  is,  Next  Time  It  Will  Be  Different^  by  Martha  Cam- 
pion, the  picture  by  Walter  Quirt.    The  cartoon  shows 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Will  you  excuse  me  just  a  minute?  Do  you  know 
anything  about  the  background  of  the  author  and  the 

Mr.  Johnson.  Martha  Campion  was  a  member  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist League. 

Mr.  ScpiERER.  Do  you  know  anything  about  the  cartoonist  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  recall  at  this  particular  time. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Go  ahead,  I  am  sorry. 

Mr.  Johnson.  This  cartoon  shows  a  capitalist  behind  whom  stands 
a  priest  and  another  individual  shouting,  "War,  War,  War,"  There  is 
also  in  the  cartoon  a  picture,  "Give  'til  it  hurts,"  an  attempt  to  sell 
Liberty  bonds  to  a  student  with  a  worker  lying  prostrate  on  the 
ground. 

The  moral  of  this  cartoon  is  self-evident,  but  clearly  indicates  that 
the  priest  is  a  supporter  of  war  and  of  capitalism  which,  according  to 
the  Communists,*  breeds  war,  and  tliat  the  only  thing  tliat  a  woi4?:er 
can  get  out  of  it  is  death  on  the  battkfields.  In  this  way  they  inject 
their  antireligion  poison  in  the  tender  minds  of  children  between  the 
ages  of  10  and  16.  Once  the  religious  convictions  of  a  child  are  de- 
stroyed, it  is  very  eas}^  to  indoctrinate  them  in  the  Comnnmist  philos- 
ophy of  hate. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  in  my  hand  a  photostatic  copy  of  page  267,  of 
New  Pioneer,  April  1931,  containing  an  article  entitled  "Next  Time  It 
Will  Be  Different,"  by  Martha  Campion,  which  has  just  been  testified 
to,  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exliibit  No.  3,"  and  I  shoidd  like  to 
offer  this  into  evidence,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  received. 

(The  document  entitled  "Next  Time  It  Will  Be  Different"  was 
received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  3.) 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2155 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  3 

(New  Pioneer,  April  1934,  page  267) 

Next  Time  It  Will  Be  Different 

By  Martha  Campion 

(Picture  by  Walter  Quirt) 

"Do  you  remember  anything  about  the  last  war,  Jean?"  some  Pioneers  asked 
their  comrade  leader  while  they  were  waiting  for  their  meeting  to  begin. 

"I  was  pretty  young,"  responded  Jean,  "but  I  remember  a  few  things  about 
it." 

"Tell  us,"  urged  the  Pioneers.  "Did  the  Boy  Scouts  and  Girl  Scouts  really  do 
so  much  to  help  the  war?     And  what  did  the  other  boys  and  girls  do?" 

"Well,  they  did  plenty.  Suppose  I  tell  you  just  what  I  remember.  I  guess  the 
first  thing  was  the  reelection  of  President  Wilson.  My  father  said  one  night, 
"Well,  I've  been  a  Republican  all  my  life,  but  I'm  voting  for  Wilson.  He  kept  us 
out  of  war." 

"The  fathers  of  most  of  the  girls  and  boys  I  knew  voted  for  Wilson,  too.  One 
girl's  father  voted  for  Hughes,  and  we  used  to  tease  her  by  saying,  'I  guess  you 
want  a  war  if  you  vote  for  him.  You  ought  to  vote  for  Wilson  because  he  kept 
us  out  of  war.' 

"Of  course,  we  didn't  know  that  there  was  no  difference  between  Hughes  the 
Republican  and  Wilson  the  Democrat.  We  didn't  know  that  both  parties  were 
backed  by  the  bosses  and  both  would  have  to  do  what  the  bosses  wanted. 

"The  bosses  and  (sic)  been  been  preparing  for  war  for  a  long  time,  but  we 
didn't  know  that  either.  I  remember  when  I  was  in  the  first  grade  we  used  to 
march  around  the  room  with  flags  over  our  shoulders  singing  a  song  that  went 
like  this : 

"  'Soldier  boy,  soldier  boy,  where  ai'e  you  going 
Waving  so  proudly  the  red,  white,  and  blue? 
I'm  fighting  for  my  country  where  duty  calls  me 
If  you'll  be  a  soldier  boy,  you  may  come  too.' 

"And,  of  course  we  all  learned  the  American  Creed  and  all  that. 

"The  next  thing  I  remember  is  this.  One  day  in  April — a  day  like  today — I 
went  to  the  corner  to  get  the  daily  newspaper.  I  brought  it  back  to  our  porch 
where  my  mother  was  sitting  with  the  baby  on  her  lap.  I  spread  the  paper  out 
on  the  porch  and  lay  down  on  my  belly  to  read  it.  Usually  I  read  the  comics 
first  and  stopped  there,  but  this  day  the  big  letters  on  the  front  page  caught 
niy  eye.    I  spelled  out  the  headlines  aloud  : 

United  States  Declares  War  on  Germany 

"I  was  so  intent  on  spelling  out  the  words,  that  they  didn't  mean  anything 
to  me.  They  were  just  so  many  words  I  could  read.  But  when  my  mother 
heard  me,  she  jumped  up  and  exclaimed  'You're  joking." 

"I  was  surprised.  How  could  I  be  joking  about  something  I  didn't  even  under- 
stand? 

"  'Give  me  that  paper,'  she  said.  Then  I  began  to  realize  how  important  this 
headline  was. 

"Then  I  remember  how  it  was  in  school  during  the  war.  We  sang  war  songs  in 
assembly  every  morning.  All  about  how  the  American  soldiers  were  going  to 
kill  all  the  Germans. 

"Our  teachers  called  the  Germans  'Huns.'  They  told  us  how  their  (sic.) 
nailed  little  babies  to  barn  doors  and  made  their  mothers  sit  and  watch  them 
die.  They  told  us  all  sorts  of  horrible  stories  about  the  Germans,  and  we  all 
believed  them.    Of  course,  we  realize  now  *  *  *." 

Mr.  Johnson.  Once  religion  is  destroyed  in  the  minds  of  young- 
sters between  the  ages  of  10  and  16,  it  is  very  easy  for  the  Communist 
Party  to  indoctrinate  them  in  their  philosophy  of  hate,  and  they  do 
this  very  cleverly. 

I  have  here  a  cartoon  taken  from  the  New  Pioneer,  April  1933, 
signed  Lou  Freeman,  in  which  there  is  a  capitalist  hanging  from  a 

33909— 53— pt.  7 3 


2156 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN   THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 


tree,  alongside  of  which  are  the  following  words :  "Not  long  from  now 
the  bourgeoise  will  all  be  hanging  from  a  tree." 

In  other  words,  they  are  instilling  in  the  minds  of  these  youngsters 
the  commission  of  murder,  of  lynchmg. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  The  cartoon  from  the  New  Pioneer,  page  15,  of  April 
1933,  which  has  just  been  testified  to,  I  have  in  my  hand  and  is  Man- 
ning Johnson  Exhibit  No.  4,  and  I  ask  that  it  be  admitted  into  evi- 
dence, Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  so  admitted. 

(The  cartoon  referred  to  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  John- 
son Exhibit  No.  4.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  4 
(New  Pioneer,  April  1933,  p.  15) 


THOJSMOS    UPON 
TH0USArvD5  OfOMlON$ 
OP   MILK  AKE 

POURED  INTO  THL 

SEA  -VJH!L£. 

THOU5AMD5    OF 

CHILDREN  ARE 

STARVING  FOR 

LACK  Of  IT 


Page  IS 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  here  an  article  and  cartoon  from  the  New 
Pioneer,  February  1935.  The  subject  of  the  article  is,  We  Won't  Be 
Fooled  Again,  story  by  Helen  Zunser,  Z-u-n-s-e-r.  This  cartoon 
shows  a  huge  capitalist,  alongside  of  whom  is  standing  representatives 
of  the  clergy  and  the  militarists.  Between  his  legs,  the  capitalist's 
legs,  is  a  rabble  rouser.  In  another  cartoon  alongside  of  this  is  a  car- 
toon of  the  capitalists,  the  clergy,  and  the  military  fleeing  from  the 
revolt  of  the  workers  and  the  farmer.  The  moral  of  the  story  is  that 
the  ministers,  the  capitalists,  and  the  military  and  their  spellbinders 
create  war.  They  created  the  last  war,  and  they  will  create  war  again, 
and  only  the  revolt  of  the  masses  of  workers  and  farmers  against 
them  will  be  able  to  defeat  their  plans  for  another  war — in  other 
words,  will  turn  the  war  into  a  civil  war  and  overthrow  the  Govern- 
ment like  the  workers  did  in  Soviet  Russia. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2157 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  a  photostatic  copy  of,  We  Won't  Be  Fooled 
Again,  from  the  New  Pioneer  of  February  1935,  marked  "Manning 
Johnson  Exhibit  No.  5,"  and  I  ask  respectfully,  sir,  that  this  be  ad- 
mitted into  evidence. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  so  admitted. 

(The  photostatic  copy  of  We  Won't  Be  Fooled  Again  was  received 
in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  5.)^ 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  illustrations  of  Communist 
attempts  to  influence  the  minds  of  children? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  have. 

This  is  an  article  written  by  Alan  Potamkin.  The  subject  of  the 
article  is,  St.  Peter's  Out. 

The  cartoon  in  the  picture,  most  interesting,  shows  young  boys 
dressed  in  football  clothes  attacking  a  Jewish  rabbi,  a  minister,  and 
a  nun,  and  a  policeman.  The  conclusion  of  the  article  has  a  doleful 
ditty : 

The  game  was  played  on  Sunday  in  old  St.  Peter's  yard.  Jesus  was  the  full- 
back and  the  Holy  Ghost  the  guard.  Tommy  tried  to  butt  us,  but  he  got  butted 
just  too  hard. 

This  is  the  sort  of  stuff  that  the  Youner  Communist  Leaarue  and  the 
Young  Pioneers  have  circulated  to  youths  between  the  ages  of  10 
and  16. 

I  have  several  other  articles  and  cartoons  along  this  same  line  that 
I  would  like  to  introduce  into  the  record. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Let  me  ask  you  this,  Mr.  Johnson:  If  I  am  correct 
in  assuming  that  the  purpose  of  your  testimony  in  referring  to  these 
articles  and  cartoons  is  to  indicate  that  children  who  would  accept 
this  type  of  propaganda  could  not  possibly  accept  the  teachings  of  any 
of  our  major  religions? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct.  The  whole  purpose  is  to  destroy 
religion  among  the  youngsters  and  to  prepare  them  for  indoctrina- 
tion of  the  whole  program  of  the  Communist  Party. 

As  I  said  before,  the  philosophy  of  hate — and  I  would  like  to  say 
here  that  I  was  reading  a  ditty  that  was  published  along  this  line 
which  goes  on  to  say : 

In  '17  we  went  to  war ;  in  '17  we  went  to  war ;  in  '17  we  went  to  war — ^we're 
wiser  now  in  '34.     It's  time  to  turn  those  guns  the  other  way. 

In  bosses'  war  the  worker  gets — in  bosses'  war  the  worker  gets — in  bosses' 
war  the  worker  gets — a  belly  full  of  bayonets.  It's  time  to  turn  those  guns  the 
other  way. 

This  is  the  antithesis  of  Christian  charity,  teaching  the  youngster 
to  disbelieve  in  God  and  at  the  same  time  indoctrinating  him  in  hate 
and  murder. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  You  arrived  at  those  conclusions  which  you  have 
just  given  the  committee  not  only  from  the  articles  you  have  just  read 
from  and  which  have  been  introduced  in  evidence,  but  from  your 
long  and  intimate  experience  in  the  Communist  Party  itself,  is  that 
right? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  during  the  period  that  I  was  a  leader  in  the 
Communist  Party,  I  assisted  in  the  sale  and  distribution  and  circula- 
tion of  these  magazines,  and  I  was  fully  aware  of  the  content  of  them 
at  that  particular  time,  and  I  know  that  they  were  spread  far  and  wide. 


1  For  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  5,  see  frontispiece,  p.  vi. 


2158         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

but  what  is  most  significant  is  that  those  children  were  youngsters  at 
that  time,  and  they  are  today  grown  men  and  women. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  I  assume,  Mr.  Johnson,  that  your  realization  of  the 
damage  which  you  were  doing  by  participating  in  these  types  of 
activities  was  one  of  the  reasons  that  caused  you  to  leave  the  party, 
am  I  correct? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct,  it  was  one  of  the  reasons,  and  I 
happened  to  run  across  a  letter  that  was  written  by  a  young  girl  to  the 
Young  Pioneer  and  published  in  the  Pioneer  magazine  that  really 
made  me  ashamed  of  some  of  the  work  that  I  assisted  in  doing  during 
the  time  that  I  was  in  the  party.     I  would  like  to  read  this  letter. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  You  may  read  it. 

Mr.  Johnson  (reading)  : 

The  church  keeps  the  workers  in  the  dark.  I  have  tried  to  get  more  sub- 
scribers to  the  New  Pioneer,  but  the  people  have  given  their  last  penny  to  the 
great  faker  vphich  is  the  church.  I  told  them  and  argued  with  them  that  the 
Pioneer  is  the  best  and  truest  magazine  published.  1  have  the  children  on  my 
side,  but  when  the  parents  ask  the  children  what  the  magazine  is  and  they  tell 
their  parents,  the  parents  say,  "Oh,  so,  the  magazine  doesn't  say  anything  about 
the  holy  church  of  God.  Well,  then,  you  cannot  buy  that  magazine."  These 
people  are  still  in  the  dark.  They  would  rather  starve  than  fight  for  their 
rights.  They  go  to  church  every  day  and  keep  fasting.  They  are  always  fast- 
ing or  starving.  Instead  of  helping  the  working  class,  they  help  keep  the 
preacher  or  priest  or  Pope  rich,  but  I'll  try  to  show  them. 

Signed,  Anastasia  Dimitruck,  Alliance,  Ohio. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  before  we  go  any  further  in  taking 
this  testimony,  I  would  like  at  this  point  to  offer  into  evidence  the 
article  from  the  New  Pioneer  of  December  1931,  entitled,  "St.  Peter's 
Out,"  which  was  testified  to  a  few  moments  ago.  It  is  listed  as  Man- 
ning Johnson  Exhibit  No.  6,  and  I  now  offer  it  into  evidence. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  so  received. 

(The  article  from  the  New  Pioneer  entitled  "St.  Peter's  Out"  was 
received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  6.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  6. 

(New  Pioneer,  December  1931,  pp.  10  and  11) 

St.  Peter's  Out 

Another  Story  of  the  Striker's 
Boys  Club  of  the  Neck 

By  Harry  Alan  Potamkin 
Illustrated  by  Philip  Reisman 

The  carmen  needed  money  for  kitchens  to  feed  their  women  and  kids.  It 
was  a  cold  winter.  And  the  strike  was  hard.  The  Strikers  Boys'  Club  of  the 
Neck  challenged  the  Northeast  Pioneers  from  the  textile  district  to  a  football 
game,  all  receipts  to  the  kitchen  fund.  The  game  was  scheduled  for  Sunday 
at  the  ball  field  on  the  Dump,  the  lower  end  of  the  Neck.  The  girls  roasted 
wieners,  snuggled  them  in  cozy  soft  rolls,  and  beautified  them  with  mustard — 
a  meal  for  a  nickel — and  a  tin  cup  of  coffee,  another  jitney.  The  profit  went 
to  the  kitchen  fund  which  the  women  and  girls  handled. 

A  city  ordinance  prohibited  a  chai-ge  for  admission  to  games  played  on  Sun- 
day. The  boys  got  around  this  by  printing  "invitations"  to  a  football  game 
for  the  striking  carmen's  kitchen  fund.  No  admission  charged.  But  two  bits 
accepted  "as  a  sign  of  solidarity."    And  every  one  who  "accepted"  the  "invita- 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA        2159 

tion"  showed  his  solidarity.  Except  the  delegation  from  St.  Peter's  Parish 
Church  and  Parochial  School. 

There  had  been  tall  doings  in  the  Catholic  school.  The  former  Huckleberries, 
now  part  of  the  Strikers  Boys'  Club,  had  attended  St.  Peter's  until  the  principal. 
Father  Thomas,  called  Peeping  Tom  because  he  always  spied  on  the  boys  got  up 
one  day  and  called  the  strikers  "tools  of  the  devil."  Dan  Maloney  rose  and 
yelled :  "Then  we'll  go  to  the  devil"  and  all  the  Hucks  walked  out  and  never 
returned.  Peeping  Tom  gathered  Rabl)i  Isaacs  of  the  Shalom  Synagogue  and  the 
Reverend  Muddle  of  the  Baptist  Church  and  they  held  a  public  meeting  to  bring 
the  strikers  "to  their  senses."  Well,  the  strikers  came  to  their  senses  mighty 
quick.  They  attended  the  meeting  in  a  body  and  one  after  another  their  repre- 
sentatives— Irish,  Jewish,  German,  Italian,  Polish,  Russian,  American — rose 
to  ask  Peeping  Tom  and  "Father"  Isaacs  and  "Rabbi"  Muddle — one  was  the 
same  as  the  other — to  answer  a  few  simple  questions : 

Were  they  serving  God  in  calling  this  meeting?  And  who  was  God  serving? 
Were  they  getting  telephone  messages  from  Mr.  God,  of  the  Rapid  Transit  Co.? 
Were  they  well  fed?  And  by  whom?  And  from  whose  earnings  did  their 
wages  come?  Should  the  starving  workers  wait  until  judgment  day  or  should 
they  make  their  own  judgment  day? 

Why  were  the  three  churches  joined  tonight  on  the  same  platform  and  yet 
in  the  schools  and  the  four  walls  of  their  churches  they  were  doing  everything 
to  split  the  strikers'  ranks,  Jew  against  Christian,  Irish  against  German,  Polish 
against  Russian? 

Priest  and  rabbi  and  minister  didn't  want  the  strikers  to  do  "violence."  Did 
that  mean  they  didn't  want  the  workers  to  defend  their  rights?  And  why 
didn't  these  three  protest  the  violences  of  the  Rapid  Transit? 

R.  T.  stood  for  Rapid  Transit,  and  for  Rotten  Treatment,  and  didn't  it  stand 
also  for  Religious  Tommyrot? 

The  answers  didn't  satisfy  the  strikers.  And  the  boys  went  on  advertising 
the  game.  The  Northeast  Pioneers  drove  down  in  buses  and  wagons.  They 
brought  with  them  their  mascot,  Buck,  a  battling  billy  goat.  Bands  of  boys  and 
girls  marched  to  the  game  afoot — red  flags  flying  and  brave  voices  singing : 

"We  are  the  young  fighters 
Whose  battle  flag  is  red. 
We  are  the  young  fighters 
Who  know  no  fear  or  dread," 

At  2  p.  m.  the  crowd  had  filled  every  seat  and  sat  on  the  roof  of  the  stand  and 
on  the  fences.  It  was  a  great  sight.  At  2 :  30  the  game  was  to  start.  The 
crowd  was  eager.  But  just  as  the  game  was  about  to  start  an  uninvited  delega- 
tion entered — Father  Thomas,  Rabbi  Isaacs,  and  Reverend  Muddle  with  a  host 
of  school  bullies  and  old  maids. 

Father  Thomas  walked  to  the  midfield  and  called  out :  "In  the  name  of  the 
Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  I  forbid  this  desecration  of  the  Lord's  day." 

Dan  Maloney  picked  up  the  referee's  megaphone  and  shouted :  "In  the  name 
of  the  mother,  the  sister,  and  the  holy  smoke,  I  declare  this  day  closed  to  R.  T." 

The  crowd  rose  and  laughed  and  cheered. 

Rabbi  Isaacs  jumped  in  to  say  something,  but  Izzy  Moore  forestalled  him  by 
introducing  "the  Pope." 

Father  Muddle  got  out  in  the  middle,  and  got  all  muddled  up.  He  began 
to  stutter.  A  little  Italian  girl,  very  innocent,  went  up  to  him  and  asked  him 
would  he  buy  a  hotdog,  mustard  and  all? 

The  old  maids  with  the  delegation  were  very  angry.  They  hurried  off  the  field 
in  a  fluster.  But  the  bullies  gathered  around  Father  Thomas,  Rabbi  Isaacs,  and 
the  Reverend  Muddle,  and  stood  there,  husky,  tough-looking  young  men.  Father 
Thomas  harangued  the  crowd :  "This  is  the  work  of  the  devil.  You  are  being 
led  astray  by  infidels.     You  are  unpatriotic." 

The  crowd  rose  in  anger.    "Get  out  of  here,  you  hypocrite,"  they  yelled. 

One  of  the  bullies  put  a  whistle  to  his  mouth  and  in  ran  a  regiment  of  police. 
The  crowd's  disgust  and  rage  became  even  greater. 

The  police  lieutenant  walked  up  to  the  clergymen.  "Well?"  he  asked.  Father 
Thomas  pointed  to  Dan  Maloney.  Rabbi  Isaacs  to  Izzy  Moore,  and  the  Reverend 
Muddle  to  Phil  Blake,  captain  of  the  Northeast  Pioneers.  The  three  boys  saw 
the  trick  and  ran  into  the  grandstand.  The  bullies  went  after  them,  but  the  boys 
beat  them  off  with  the  help  of  the  spectators.  Father  Thomas  advanced.  And 
as  he  approached  the  grandstand  Bu(.'k,  the  Northeast  goat,  trotted  out  of  the 
dugout,  saw  Peeping  Tom's  fat  seat,  and  sailed  directly  for  a  touchdown.    Such 


2160         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

laughter  was  never  heard  before  in  the  four  corners  of  the  world.  When  the 
priest  arose  he  was  Peeping  Tom,  indeed.  Two  blinking  eyes  peeped  through  a 
face  maslied  with  mud.  The  priest  roared :  "In  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy  Ghost,  I  demand  the  arrest  of  everyone." 

At  that  even  the  police  lieutenant  began  to  laugh.  "Well  compromise,"  he 
said,  "we'll  arrest  the  ringleaders."  He  turned  to  the  boys  in  homemade  uni- 
forms: "Who's  the  ringleader?" 

Thirty  voices  answered  "Me." 

The  police  lieutenant's  face  reddened.  "Well,  I'll  be  damned  if  I  won't  pull 
you  all  in."  No  sooner  did  he  say  this  than  Dan  Maloney  threw  the  pigskin  into 
the  air  and  Phil  Blake  went  for  it.  The  30  boys,  2  teams  and  6  substitutes, 
suddenly  piled  in  a  heap  on — 

When  the  heap  had  scattered  into  the  grandstand  on  the  muddy  ground  lay  a 
police  lieutenant,  face  downward.  Distributed  through  the  grandstand  sat  27 
boys  in  their  daily  clothes.  Three  of  the  30  were  on  their  way  home  in  a  battered 
tin  lizzie.  The  lieutenant  rose  and  shook  his  fist  in  the  priest's  face.  "This 
was  all  a  trick  of  yours." 

Rabbi  Isaacs  came  up  to  the  two.    "We'd  better  leave." 

Father  Muddle  said,  "And  we'd  better  keep  it  quiet.  If  the  papers  should 
hear  of  this." 

The  papers  did.  That  is,  the  strikers'  special  newspaper  wrote  it  up.  And 
the  Strikers  Boys'  Club  sang  a  doleful  ditty : 

"The  game  was  played  on  Sunday  in  old  St.  Peter's  yard, 
Jesus  was  the  fullback  and  the  Holy  Ghost  the  guard. 
Tommy  tried  to  butt  us — but  he  got  butted  just  too  hard." 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson  also  testified,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  respect 
to  three  other  documents  which  he  had  which  illustrated  the  same 
point  of  Communist  control  of  the  minds  of  youth. 

I  therefore  now  offer  into  evidence  in  a  group  three  of  these  docu- 
ments marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibits  Nos.  7,  8,  and  9." 

Mr.  ScHERER.  They  may  be  so  received. 

(The  three  documents  referred  to  were  received  in  evidence  as 
Manning  Johnson  Exhibits  Nos.  Y,  8,  and  9.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  7 
(New  Pioneer,  October  1934,  p.  10) 
A  Belly  Full  of  Bayonets 

In  '17  we  went  to  war 

In  '17  we  went  to  war 

In  '17  we  went  to  war 

We're  wiser  now  in  '34 

It's  time  to  turn  those  guns  the  other  way. 

In  bosses'  wars  the  worker  gets 

In  bosses'  wars  the  worker  gets 

In  bosses'  wars  the  worker  gets 

A  belly  full  of  bayonets 

It's  time  to  turn  those  guns  the  other  way. 

In  the  next  war,  if  the  boys  and  girls  who  attended  the  New  York  City  Chil- 
dren's Conference  Against  War  and  Fascism  have  anything  to  do  with  it,  the 
bosses  who  make  the  war  will  get  their  belly  full  of  bayonets. 

And  I  expect  these  boys  and  girls  will  have  something  to  say  about  it.  There 
were  228  of  them,  including  visitors,  and  when  Dr.  Treadwell  Smith,  chairman 
of  the  New  York  City  League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  asked  how  many  of 
them  were  going  to  organize  their  friends  and  schoolmates  into  clubs  to  fight 
war  and  fascism,  they  all  raised  their  hands. 

It  was  a  fine  conference.  Would  you  like  to  know  what  organizations  were 
there?  Well,  there  were  the  Pioneers,  the  I  WO  Juniors,  the  children's  section 
of  the  Russian  National  Mutual  Aid  Society,  the  Nature  Friends  Scouts,  the 
Jewish  Schools,  the  Finnish  Federation  Pioneers,  the  Young  Defenders,  the 
Grand  Street  Settlement  House,  the  Pioneer  Youth  of  America,  a  Boy  Scout 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES   IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA        2161 

troop,  a  Free  Food  Fighters  Club,  the  Bronx  Busy  Bees,  and  the  recreation  rooms 
of  some  settlement  houses. 

Here  is  what  happened  at  the  meeting.  Dr.  Treadwell  Smith  gave  a  talk 
about  why  children  should  fight  against  war  and  fascism,  and  then  the  delegates 
asked  lots  of  questions,  which  Dr.  Smith  and  other  delegates  answered.  There 
were  questions  about  the  causes  of  war  and  others  about  the  best  ways  of  or- 
ganizing against  war.  The  American  League  is  preparing  a  program  of  action 
for  its  children's  section.  If  you  want  to  make  any  suggestions  to  them,  you 
should  write  to  the  Children's  Committee  Against  War  and  Fascism  at  413 
Fourth  Avenue,  New  York  City,  N.  Y.  They  would  be  very  glad  to  hear  from  you 
and  to  get  your  ideas. 

After  the  questions  came  a  very  interesting  part  of  the  program.  Del,  the 
Daily  Worker  cartoonist,  gave  a  short  talk  and  then  a  chalk  talk. 

Del  told  how  he  was  a  Boy  Scout  living  in  Paris  in  the  last  war.  He  used  to 
hear  the  French  soldiers  marching  to  war  singing  how  they  were  going  to  "make 
sausages  out  of  the  Germans."  When  his  family  had  to  leave  Paris  because  the 
fighting  was  coming  too  close,  Del  saw  these  soldiers  returning  from  war,  looking 
like  chopped  meat  themselves.  In  England,  airplanes  dropped  shells  right 
across  the  street  from  his  home.  Then  he  came  to  America,  and  on  the  way  the 
ship  came  near  being  blown  up  by  a  submarine. 

Del  wondered  how  people  could  say  the  war  was  glorious,  but  not  knowing 
any  better,  he  joined  the  Boy  Scouts  over  here  and  sold  more  Liberty  bonds  and 
war  savings  stamps  than  any  other  boy  in  his  class.  "I  was  proud  of  it  then, 
but  I'm  ashamed  of  it  now,"  said  Del,  "because  it  helped  the  bosses  continue  the 
war,  and  more  workers  were  killed  and  hurt  for  the  profits  of  Morgan." 

Then  Del  appealed  to  all  the  delegates  to  join  and  form  organizations  to  fight 
hard  against  war  and  fascism  before  they  come. 

Next  month  we  are  going  to  tell  you  about  the  program  of  action  the  delegates 
will  start  to  carry  out.  But  don't  wait  for  that.  Tell  your  leaders  and  parents 
and  the  branch  of  the  American  League  in  your  city  that  you  want  a  city 
conference  of  children  against  war  and  fascism  right  away.  Send  invitations  to 
the  Boy  Scouts,  settlement  houses,  and  all  children's  clubs.  Then  write  in  and 
tell  the  New  Pioneer  about  it. 

And,  by  the  way,  you  can  get  some  good  ideas  from  reading  about  the  big 
second  congress  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  and  the 
Youth  Congress,  to  be  held  September  28,  29,  and  30,  in  the  Daily  Worker.  This 
congress  will  take  place  in  Chicago.  It  will  be  very  interesting  and  very 
important,  for  delegates  representing  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  will 
be  there.  This  is  the  most  important  thing  that's  happening  this  month.  Don't 
miss  the  reports  of  it  in  the  Daily. 


2162         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  8 


l-yi:i.NXfe  JOilKSQN  .EXhIBlT.  NO,   S 
;,.  ("iJBW  jeianesn,;-,  October  l^^l) 


Rimes 

By  Lisle  Rigby 

O  sing  a  song  of  Hoover— 

This  bloated  saint  would 
die 

Before  he'd  see  the  workers 

Eating  cheese  and  pie. 


Drawing  by  Otto  Soglow 

He'd  turn  the  cock-eyed 
world  on  end 

And  pile  the  graveyards 
high 

Before  he'd  give  the  work- 
ers bread 

Right  now  instead  of  "bye- 
and-bye" 


Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  9 

(New  Pioneer,  February  1935,  pp.  8  and  9) 

Little  Lefty  Repouts  on  the  Workers'  Congress 

By  "Del" 

Well  gee  whiz,  I  don't  know  wbere  to  start.  So  many  exciting  things  happened 
in  those  3  days  of  January  5,  6,  and  7,  that  I'm  kind  of  mixed  up.  I  guess  I'll 
begin  by  telling  you  about  the  special  train  that  took  the  delegates  to  Washington 
from  New  Yorli. 

In  Pennsylvania  Station  there  were  hundreds  of  delegates.  At  about  midnight 
they  let  us  through  the  gates  and  we  all  hopped  on  the  train.  We  got  seats  and  in 
a  few  moments  the  trainmaster  blew  the  whistle  and  hollered  "All  aboard." 
All  of  a  sudden  I  got  a  big  lump  in  my  throat.  I  thought  of  Mom  and  Pop, 
of  Peanuts  and  Spunky  wagging  his  tail  and  it  seemed  I  was  leaving  them  far 
behind.  Then  I  reminded  myself  tbat  I  was  only  going  away  for  a  few  days, 
and  I  felt  a  little  better. 

On  the  train  it  was  just  like  old  home  week.  Everybody  seemed  to  know 
everybody  else,  and  if  you  didn't  it  made  no  difference.  You  just  spoke  to 
anyone  you  liked  and  it  seemed  you  bad  known  the  person  for  years.  I  guess  it's 
because  everyone  had  the  same  feelings  about  the  Congress. 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2163 

In  spite  of  the  singing  and  joking  the  train  got  me  drowsy  and  I  fell  fast 
asleep.  When  I  woke  up  Uncle  John  was  carrying  me  out  of  the  train,  into 
Union  Station  in  Washington,  D.  C.  Along  with  some  18  or  20  others  we  went 
into  a  restaurant  to  get  some  coffee.  I  suppose  you've  heard  about  how  they 
refused  to  serve  the  two  Negro  delegates  with  us.  Well,  the  rest  of  us  ordered 
great  big  meals  and  after  they  were  placed  in  front  of  us  we  didn't  touch  them 
and  walked  out  witliout  paying,  as  a  protest  against  the  boss'  dirty  Jim  Crow 
ideas.  Well,  you  sliould  have  seen  this  guy's  face.  It  went  the  color  of  one 
of  his  tablecloths.  Ha !  Ha !  Excuse  me  but  I  gotta  laugh  when  I  just  think 
of  it. 

When  we  got  to  Washington  Auditorium,  we  got  a  swell  breakfast.  Then 
the  Ccmgress  started  in  earnest.  Herbert  Benjamin,  the  national  secretary  of 
the  unemployment  councils,  told  about  the  whole  history  of  the  fight  to  get 
unemployment  relief  through  House  Resolution  2827  (it  used  to  be  H.  R.  7598). 
It's  a  swell  idea.  In  case  a  worker  gets  thrown  out  of  work  through  no  fault  of 
his  own  the  Government  pays  him  $10  a  week  and  $3  extra  for  each  one  who 
depends  on  him,  like  his  wife  and  kids.    And  the  bosses  have  to  foot  the  bill. 

Of  course,  everyone  knew  that  the  bosses  would  never  give  this  out  of  their 
own  big  hearts  and  would  fight  it,  but  the  speakers  explained  that  we  were  there 
to  make  plans  how  to  fight  for  our  right  to  live. 

When  the  session  closed  we  went  into  the  lobby  and  there  I  saw  cowboys  and 
sharecroppers,  lumberjacks  and  farmers,  and  one  big  strapping  delegate  who 
looked,  spoke,  and  dressed  like  Daniel  Boone.  They  seemed  like  they  had 
stepped  out  of  the  pages  of  my  history  book. 

The  most  exciting  part  of  the  convention  was  when  Earl  Browder,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Communist  Party,  got  through  speaking.  First  he  said  that  we  were 
not  in  Washington  to  kidnap  the  President  like  they  had  in  the  papers — and 
did  everybody  laugh. 

When  he  got  through  speaking  everybody  got  up  and  sang  Solidarity.  What 
a  thrill  ran  up  and  down  my  spine. 

On  the  last  day,  we  went  to  see  Secretary  Perkins.  Of  course  she  was  "not 
in".  So  we  spoke  to  her  secretary,  Edward  McGrady.  Ann  Burlak  led  the 
delegation  and  introduced  a  mother  in  the  coal-mining  region  who  told  about 
how  it  was  impossible  for  her  to  properly  care  for  her  children,  and  asked 
McGrady  to  support  our  unemployment  insurance  bill. 

This  McGrady  guy  thought  he  was  putting  over  a  fast  one  and  very  sym- 
patheticlike  says  '"Leave  me  your  name  and  address  and  I'll  send  you  a  book  on 
how  to  feed  your  children."  Well,  you  should  have  seen  Ann  Burlak  snap  out 
that  we  couldn't  squeeze  food  and  milk  out  of  his  books. 

After  that  the  Congress  wound  up  and  we  went  back  to  Union  Station  and  took 
the  next  train  back  for  home.  Believe  me,  these  were  the  three  most  thrilling 
days  of  my  life. 

Of  course,  the  fight  for  unemployment  insurance  is  just  beginning.  We  all  have 
lots  of  work  to  do.  I  asked  Uncle  John  if  kids  could  help  and  he  said,  "Sure." 
So  I'm  helping,  and  I  hope  you  all  are  too. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Now,  Mr.  Johnson,  I  think  it  is  important  at  this 
point  to  ask,  during  the  time  that  you  were  an  active  member  of  the 
Communist  Party,  whether  you  were  an  atheist.    Is  that  right? 

Mr.  JoHNSOx.  No,  I  was  not.  I  hid  my  religion.  I  committed  the 
grievous  sin  of  hiding  it.  I  outwardly  accepted  the  atheistic  anti- 
religious  program  of  the  Communists,  but  secretly  in  my  heart  I  re- 
tained my  religious  convictions.  Of  course,  that  was  an  awful  strug- 
gle, an  internal  struggle,  a  struggle  between  two  different  and  oppos- 
ing philosophies,  the  philosophy  of  charity  and  the  philosophy  of 
hate.    Sometimes  I  wonder  how  I  did  that  tightrope  walking. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Now,  since  you  have  left  the  party,  however,  you  are 
no  longer,  I  believe,  hiding  your  religion  ? 

Mr.  JoHxsoN.  No,  I  am  not. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Are  you  a  member  of  a  church  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  joined  a  Baptist  Church  in  New  Jersey  sev- 
eral years  ago.  Of  course,  time  has  not  permitted  me  to  attend  the 
services,  but  I  do  attend  church  services  in  New  York  regularly, 
though  I  have  not  connected  myself  with  a  church  in  New  York. 

33909— 53— pt.  7 4 


2164         COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  we  have  had  extensive  testimony  here 
concerning  the  New  Pioneer.  That  publication,  if  my  information  is 
correct,  stopped  coming  out  in  about  1938,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  about  1938. 
^  Mr.  KuNziG.  If  it  lies  within  your  knowledge,  is  there  any  publica- 
tion today  with  Communist  influence  behind  it  attempting  also  to 
influence  the  minds  of  youth  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  there  is,  the  publications  of  the  International 
Workers'  Order,  the  organization  through  which  the  Young  Pioneer 
movement  functions  today. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  the  IWO  is  presently  involved  in  court 
proceedings  in  the  State  of  New  York.  I  know  the  case  is  still  going 
on,  but  there  were  various  stays  issued  by  judges  preventing  the  or- 
ganization in  some  ways  from  functioning.  Do  you  mean  to  say  that 
still  today  this  type  of  propaganda  is  being  put  out  through  the  or- 
ganization at  this  very  moment? 

Mr.  Johnson.  My  understanding  is  that  it  is. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  That  is  an  amazing  thing,  sir ;  and  I  think  the  record 
should  show  this  information. 

Mr.  Johnson,  during  the  period  of  your  membership  in  the  Com- 
munist Party  was  there  ever  any  deviation  from  the  basic  antireligious 
line? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  there  was  never  any  deviation  from  the  basic 
antireligious  line. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Was  there  a  change  of  tactical  application  of  this 
antireligious  policy  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  there  was.  There  was  a  change  in  the  tactical 
application  of  the  Communist  Party's  antireligious  policy.  This  tac- 
tical change  was  made  in  1932,  if  I  recall  correctly,  when  I  was  present 
at  a  meeting  of  the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
New  York,  at  which  time  Earl  Browder  made  a  speech  to  the  commit- 
tee in  which  he  said  that  our  aim  should  be  to  draw  the  religious  ele- 
ment into  the  movement  before  we  convinced  them  to  become 
atheists. 

In  other  words,  to  reverse  the  old  policy  of  convincing  the  worker 
and  farmer  to  become  an  atheist  before  he  became  active  in  the  Com- 
munist Party  movement.  As  Browder  put  it,  that  old  policy  was 
like  putting  the  cart  before  the  horse. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  In  other  words,  if  you  cannot  completely  destroy 
religion,  would  you  say  that  the  correct  phraseology  would  be  that  it 
is  best  to  attempt  to  infiltrate  it  first  and  then  later  destroy  it  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  say  that  the  policy  then  was  to  first  get  the 
worker  and  the  farmer  involved  in  Communist  activities,  and  in  the 
course  of  his  involvement  in  these  activities  you  steadily  indoctrinate 
him  in  the  antireligious  philosophy  of  the  Communist  Party.  This 
was  contrary  to  previous  procedure  where  the  Communist  first  ap- 
proached the  average  worker  and  farmer  with  an  antireligious  pro- 
gram and  policy.  The  result  was  that  the  Christian  worker  was 
antagonized,  and  there  was  built  up  a  wall  of  resistance  between  the 
party  and  the  religious  element  in  America,  and  the  new  policy  was  for 
the  purpose  of  breaking  down  this  wall  of  resistance  and  getting  the 
Christian  element  in,  thereby  getting  the  Communist  Party  out  of  the 
rut  of  sectarianism  in  which  it  had  fallen. 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2165 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  Mr.  Johnson,  I  note  that  you  just  mentioned  the  date 
of  1932,  and  some  of  your  previous  examples  of  antireligious  propa- 
ganda went  much  further,  into  1935  and  1936.  Can  you  explain  just 
what  the  policy  was? 

Mr.  Johnson.  There  is  no  contradiction  there.  The  Communist 
Party  did  both.  They  continued  their  antireligious  propaganda  and 
at  the  same  time  they  revised  their  tactical  approach  toward  the  Chris- 
tian element  in  order  to  get  them  in.  Once  they  got  them  in,  they  con- 
tinued to  indoctrinate  them  in  their  antireligious  program. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  What  was  known  as  the  united  front,  Mr.  Johnson? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  united  front  was  a  development  of  a  new  tactical 
line  by  the  Communist  International  in  1935.  This  new  tactical 
line  was  developed  at  the  seventh  world  congress  of  the  Communist 
International  in  Moscow  in  1935.  Georgi  Dimitrov,  general  secretary 
of  the  Communist  International,  presented  this  new  tactical  line  to 
the  seventh  world  congress. 

Now,  the  essence  of  it  was  to  infiltrate  churches,  trade  unions  and 
all  other  organizations  through  the  process  of  involving  them  into  a 
so-called  united  front  on  the  basis  of  a  program  presented  to  them  by 
the  Communist  Party. 

Now,  the  united  front  was  a  coalition  or  an  alliance  of  the  church, 
trade  unions,  farm  and  youth  and  women's  organizations  of  the  Com- 
munist Party,  under  Communist  Party  leadership  and  for  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Communist  Party  program.  It  was  a  step  in  the 
formation  of  a  people's  front  government,  which  of  course  is  a  form  of 
transition  to  proletarian  revolution  and  the  seizure  of  power  in  a  given 
country.  As  Dimitrov  said,  the  united  front  is  useful,  but  the  final 
salvation  is  in  a  socialist  revolution.  The  united  front  is  used  for 
revolutionary  training  of  the  masses. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Can  you  explain  the  phrase  "outstretched  hand  of 
communism?" 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  can.  The  outstretched  hand  was  the  new 
united-front  policy  of  the  Communist  International  applied  all  over 
the  world.  It  was  the  extension  of  the  hand  of  friendship  and  coop- 
eration to  the  church,  while  in  the  other  hand  holding  a  dagger  to 
drive  through  the  heart  of  the  church.  In  other  words,  it  was  a  ruse 
whereby  they  could  get  the  churches  involved  in  united-front  activities 
with  the  Communists  so  that  the  Communists  could  bring  to  the 
religious  element  in  America  their  antireligious  program.  In  other 
words,  to  educate  the  masses  in  the  revolutionary  program  and  policy 
of  the  Communist  Party,  to  prepare  them  ideologically  and  organiza- 
tionally for  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

I  have  here  some  documents  that  I  would  like  to  introduce  into  the 
record  at  this  point.  First,  I  have  here  the  Communist,  the  theo- 
retical organ  of  the  Communist  Party,  in  which  there  is  an  article, 
The  United  Front,  the  Key  to  Our  New  Tactical  Orientation,  by  Earl 
Browder. 

I  want  to  quote  from  pages  1076  and  also  1077. 

First,  1076 : 

The  first  argument  said  that  by  adopting  a  new  tactical  orientation  the  Com- 
munists are  admitting  whether  they  want  to  or  not  that  their  old  tactical 
orientation  was  wrong  and  had  to  be  changed  because  it  was  wrong.  To  this 
our  answer  is  not  at  all.  The  seventh  world  congress  formulated  a  new  tactical 
line  because  new  conditions  have  arisen,  not  because  the  old  line  was  wrong. 
The  Communists  are  Marxists,  Leninists,  Stalinists. 


2166         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

On  page  1077 : 

And  then  another  change,  the  proved  inability  of  the  bourgeoise  to  overcome 
the  collapse  of  capitalist  stabilization,  it  proved  inability  to  make  any  progress 
toward  overcoming  the  final  crisis  of  the  capitalist  system.  *  *  *  That  is  why 
the  seventh  world  congress  formulated  the  new  tactical  orientation  which  seized 
the  final  and  irrevocable  victory  of  socialism.  The  inability  of  the  bourgeoisie 
to  overcome  the  collapse  of  the  capitalist  stabilization  and  the  growing  urge  of 
the  struggle  for  socialism. 

I  would  like  to  state  in  explanation  of  the  foregoing  quotation  that 
Dimitrov  clearly  pointed  out  in  his  speech  that  the  united  front 
which  is  aimed  at  getting  control  of  the  churches  is  not  a  digression 
from  the  basic  position  of  the  Communist  Party ;  that  is,  the  struggle 
for  revolution,  the  conquest  of  power,  but  merely  a  reconstruction 
of  tactics  in  accordance  with  changing  situation.  It  is  the  tactic 
to  draw  wide  masses  into  revolutionary  class  struggle  where  the 
working  people,  both  Christians  and  Jews,  will  be  welded  into  a 
millionfold  strong  revolutionary  army,  led  by  the  Communist  Inter- 
national under  the  leadership  of  Stalin  at  that  time. 

Now,  the  tactics  called  for  in  the  building  of  this  united  front 
were  also  brought  out  by  Dimitrov.  He  calls  attention  in  his  speech 
to  a  story  taken  from  Greek  history  in  which  he  states,  and  I  quote: 

Comrades,  you  remember  the  ancient  tale  of  the  capture  of  Troy.  Troy  was 
inaccessible  to  the  armies  attacking  her,  thanks  to  her  impregnable  walls,  and 
the  attacking  army,  after  suffering  great  losses,  was  still  unable  to  achieve 
victory  until,  with  the  aid  of  the  Trojan  horse,  it  managed  to  penetrate  to  the 
very  heart  of  the  enemy's  camp. 

In  other  words,  what  he  is  saying  is  that  if  vou  cannot  take  over  the 
churches  by  frontal  attack,  take  them  over  by  the  use  of  deception  and 
guile  and  trickery,  and  that  is  exactly  what  the  Communists  practice 
in  order  to  infiltrate  and  subvert  the  church  and  prepare  them  for 
the  day  when  they  would  come  under  the  hierarchical  and  authori- 
tarian control  of  Moscow, 

The  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party  had  an  eye  toward  the  millions 
of  people  in  the  churches,  and  this  policy  was  designed  specifically  to 
reach  the  millions  in  the  churches.  Already  as  early  as  1931  the  Com- 
munist Party  published  a  survey  of  the  churches  in  the  United  States 
which  was  published  by  certain  international  pamphlets.  In  the 
pamphlet.  The  Church  and  the  Workers,  by  Bennett  Stevens,  may  be 
found  a  survey  of  the  church,  its  membership,  and  its  holdings.  I 
would  like  to  read  into  the  record  what  the  author  has  to  say  about 
the  church. 

Mr.  Ktjnzig.  "Wliat  year  was  this  ? 

Mr.  JoHNSOX.  This  was  publislied  in  1931.  The  purpose  of  doing 
this  is  to  show  that  already  as  early  as  1931  the  Communists  had  an 
eye  toward  the  millions  in  religious  organizations  in  America,  and  this 
survey  was  not  prepared  without  instructions  from  the  Communist 
Party,  because  when  pamphlets  of  this  kind,  according  to  my  knowl- 
edge and  experience,  are  written  and  published,  they  are  published 
under  instructions  of  the  top  leadership  of  the  Communist  Party,  both 
in  America  and  abroad,  because  such  pamphlets  are  sent  to  the  Soviet 
Union  where  they  are  evaluated,  and  on  the  strength  of  them  the 
policy  for  the  Communist  Party  of  America  is  formulated,  and  not 
only  for  America,  but  throughout  the  world. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2167 

This  shows  how  many  people  in  America  are  connected  with  the 
church,  and  this  is  not  lost  to  the  men  who  sit  in  the  Kremlin  and  are 
forinulating  policy  for  the  American  party. 

I  quote : 

The  churches  are  effective  propagnnda  agencies,  for  they  reached  a  inenibership 
of  no  million  Dersous  1n  1J180.  That  capitalists  are  conscious  of  this  fact  is 
shown  by  the  liberality  of  their  donation  to  tlie  churches.  As  one  of  his  many 
contributions  to  the  Episcopal  Church,  J.  1'.  Morgan  paid  the  expenses  involved 
in  publishing  the  revised  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  John  D.  Ilockefeller,  Jr., 
in  addition  to  building  a  $7-million  church  in  New  York,  gives  millions  to  Baptist 
colleges  and  other  religious  enterprises.  In  1929  gifts  to  Protestant  churches 
of  the  United  States  amounted  to  ,i:Ji20  million.  The  churches  are  not  spiritual 
institutions,  but  are  in  themselves  powerful,  wealthy,  capitalist  corporations,  and 
as  such  have  special  church-property  investments,  and  churches  spent  $817 
million  in  immediate  expenses  in  1926.  Only  a  very  slight  portion  of  this  went 
to  benevoloncies.  The  following  table  indicates  the  value  of  church  property  and 
expenses  in  some  of  the  larger  sects  of  the  United  States, 

and  then  they  go  on  to  give  an  estimate  of  the  value  of  church  property 
in  the  United  States. 

Then  the  author  goes  on  to  say  that  religion  cannot  be  reformed, 
whatever  its  doctrine  and  ritual,  that  it  remains  an  agency  by  which 
the  capitalist  class  enforces  its  control.  The  program  of  those  who 
want  to  reform  existing  religion  must  therefore  be  rejected.  The 
significance  of  this  is  that  the  party  had  already  in  1931  seen  the  need 
of  getting  into  the  churches  where  50  million  Americans  are,  and  this 
survey  and  surveys  made  after  this  one  was  made,  constituted  a  very 
important  factor  in  determining  the  Communist  policy  in  infiltrating 
the  churches  and  religious  organizations. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  documentary  evidence,  Mr. 
Johnson  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  I  have.  I  have  here  a  statement  by  William  Z. 
Foster  in  the  Communist,  the  theoretical  magazine  of  the  Communist 
Farty,  that  I  would  like  to  submit  in  evidence. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  here,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  pages  702  and  703, 
Secondary  Aspects  of  Mass  Organization  by  Foster  in  the  Communist 
of  August  1939,  and  I  request  that  the  marked  paragraph  be  incorpo- 
rated into  the  record  at  this  point  as  Mafming  Johnson  Exhibit 
No.  10. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  so  received. 

(The  marked  paragraph  on  pages  702  and  703  of  Secondary  Aspects 
of  Mass  Organization  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson 

Exhibit  No.  10.) 

Johnson  Exhibit  No.  10 

(The  Communist,  August  1939,  pp.  702  and  703) 

Secondary  Aspects  of  Mass  Organization 

(By  W.  Z.  Foster) 

ij!  5F  ^  ^F  *  *  "fr 

B.    RELIGION 

Religion  is  another  extremely  important  secondary  aspect  of  American  mass 
organization.  Inevitably  a  social  current  so  well  organized  and  so  deeply  in- 
grained in  the  mind  of  the  masses  as  religion  has  exerted  a  far-reaching  effect 


2168         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

upon  the  people's  mass  organization  of  all  types  throughout  their  entire  history. 
Political  parties,  trade  unions,  farmers'  associations,  fraternal  orders,  and  the 
many  other  kinds  of  broad  mass  movements  in  which  the  toilers  participate  in 
huge  numbers  have  been  fundamentally  influenced  in  various  ways  by  this 
powerful  force.  The  employers  have  tirelessly  exploited  religion  to  control  the 
people's  organizations  and  they  have  often  been  unwittingly  aided  by  leftwing 
mistakes  in  dealing  with  it. 

The  numerous  churches  (and  American  bourgeois-democracy  has  served  to 
multiply  greatly  the  number  of  Protestant  sects)  have  sedulously  cultivated 
their  causes  within  the  mass  organization,  and  the  resultant  conflicts,  especially 
those  between  Protestants  and  Catholics,  have  at  times  been  acute.  Conse- 
quently, the  employers  have  been  alert  to  provoke  such  sectarian  clashes.  In 
the  main,  however,  the  spirit  of  democratic  tolerance  has  prevailed  and  mass 
solidarity  been  preserved.  In  the  great  fraternal  organizations  (which,  with 
duplications,  are  estimated  to  number  50,000,000  members,  including  many  mil- 
lions of  workers  and  farmers)  there  is  a  wide  split  between  Catholics  and 
Protestants;  but  this  is  not  the  case  in  mass  organizations  generally.  Thus, 
there  are  in  the  United  States  no  Catholic  trade  unions  and,  in  our  time,  no 
special  political  parties  based  upon  religious  lines. 

The  triumph  of  mass  solidarity  over  religious  sectarianism  is  a  tribute  to 
American  democracy.  Communists  must  ever  be  keen  to  cultivate  the  demo- 
cratic spirit  of  mutual  tolerance  among  the  religious  sects  in  the  people's  mass 
organizations.  A  still  greater  lesson  for  us  to  learn,  however,  is  how  to  work 
freely  with  religious  strata  for  the  accomplishment  of  democratic  mass  objec- 
tives, while  at  the  same  time  carrying  on  our  basic  Marxist-Leninist  educational 
work.  A  very  serious  mistake  of  the  American  leftwing  during  many  years, 
and  one  it  would  not  have  made  had  it  understood  Marx  and  Lenin,  has  been 
its  attempt  arbitrarily  to  wave  aside  religious  sentiments  among  the  masses. 
Reactionary  forces  have  always  knowm  how  to  take  advantage  of  this  short- 
sighted sectarian  error  by  instigating  the  religious  masses  against  the  leftwing. 
In  recent  years,  however,  the  Communist  Party,  with  its  policy  of  "the  out- 
stretched hand,"  has  done  much  to  overcome  the  harmful  leftwing  narrowness 
of  former  years  and  to  develop  a  more  healthy  cooperation  with  the  religious 
masses  of  the  people  in  building  the  democratic  front. 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  success  of  the  united-front  policy  enabled  the 
Communist  Party  to  come  in  contact  with  thousands  of  ministers  and 
millions  of  people  who  make  up  their  congregations  all  over  the  coun- 
try. The  fact  that  they  were  successful  in  the  so-called  outstretched- 
haiid  policy  was  clearly  stated  by  Earl  Browder  in  his  book,  What  Is 
Communism  ?  which  has  been  mentioned  before  in  my  testimony. 

On  page  147  in  that  book  he  states,  and  I  quote : 

It  is  significant  that  the  Communist  Party,  more  than  any  other  labor  group, 
has  been  able  to  achieve  successful  united  fronts  with  church  groups  on  the  most 
important  issues  of  the  day.  This  is  not  due  to  any  compromise  with  religion  as 
such  on  our  part.  In  fact  by  going  among  the  religious  masses  we  are,  for  the 
first  time,  able  to  bring  our  antireligious  ideas  to  them. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  In  other  words,  you  would  say,  would  you  not,  Mr. 
Johnson,  that  on  the  basis  of  your  personal  experience  and  knowledge 
the  united  front  is  the  medium  through  which  people  were  educated  to 
communism  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct.  The  united  front  is  a  school  for 
communism.  It  is  the  instrument  to  bring  the  Communist  Party  pro- 
gram and  policy  to  millions  of  people  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  country. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Would  it  be  correct  to  say  that  there  actually  was 
party  recruiting  through  the  united  front  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  there  was.  The  whole  purpose  of  the  united 
front  was  to  bring  the  Communist  Party  into  contact  with  millions 
of  people  from  whom  they  had  before  been  isolated  in  order  to  indoc- 
trinate them,  to  educate  them  and  train  them  in  Communist  policy 
and  orient  them  along  the  path  of  revolutionary  struggle. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA        2169 

Now,  in  the  course  of  all  these  activities,  recruiting  the  most  mili- 
tant, the  most  active,  the  most  promising  element  into  the  Communist 
Party,  sending  them  to  schools  and  training  them  for  leadership  in  the 
united-front  movement. 

I  wish  to  introduce  into  the  record  an  excerpt  from  the  report  to 
the  Tenth  National  Convention  of  the  Communist  Party,  U.  S.  A.,  on 
behalf  of  the  central  committee,  by  Earl  Browder,  general  secretary. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  What  date  was  that? 

Mr.  Johnson.  May  1938. 

In  reference  to  the  Communist  training  of  persons  involved  in 
united-front  activities,  I  quote : 

We  propose  to  make  the  education  of  our  leading  people,  the  Marxist-Leninist 
training,  the  central  task  of  the  whole  party.  It  shall  not  be  conflned  to  the 
members  of  the  central  committee  and  State  leaders,  but  extended  to  a  broad 
new  circle  of  leaders  for  the  States  and  sections  and  for  party  leaders  in  the 
mass  organizations,  trade  unions,  youth,  Negro,  farm,  cultural,  women's,  religious, 
national  groups,  and  other  organizations. 

I  would  like  to  state  that  the  main  purpose  of  this  educational  process 
of  religious  leaders  is  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  The  party,  according  to  my  knowledge  and  experience, 
realized  that  without  subverting  the  millions  of  persons  in  the  church, 
revolution  in  the  United  States  is  unthinkable ;  it  is  impossible.  For 
that  reason  a  corps  of  trained  persons  was  necessary  who  would  be 
in  a  position  to  work  successfully  toward  this  end  arnong  the  church- 
goers. This  was  very  clearly  brought  out  in  Fight  magazine,  for 
instance. 

Now,  Fight  magazine  was  the  official  organ  of  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism.  In  the  April  1934  issue,  on  page  34,  it 
reads  as  follows : 

This  means  that  those  who  would  use  what  resources  are  available  in  the 
churches  to  fight  the  development  of  fascism  must  be  prepared  to  show  the 
people  in  the  churches  that  there  is  no  way  out  under  the  profit  system  and  that 
the  only  way  they  can  get  the  better  life  that  is  within  their  reach  is  to  take 
ownership  and  control  out  of  the  hands  of  the  few,  put  it  into  the  hands  of  the 
many,  and  develop  a  planned  economy  for  the  purpose  of  realizing  the  classless 
society.  Then  the  emotions  and  ideals  that  will  otherwise  be  misled  by  the 
Fascists  will  be  directed  to  the  defeat  of  the  real  enemy  of  the  people — the 
capitalist  slystem — and  will  be  given  a  constructive  outlet  in  the  building 
of  a  new  order. 

To  work  at  this  task  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  needs 
to  get  members  in  all  religious  organizations. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  who  was  the  chairman  of  this  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  Eeverend  Harry  F.  Ward. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  know  him  personally  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  When  you  were  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party 
did  you  know  him  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  while 
I  was  a  member. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Did  you  meet  with  him  as  such  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Would  you  characterize  him  as  a  prominent  member 
of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  say  that  he  is  the  Red  dean  of  the  Commu- 
nist Party  in  the  religious  field. 


2170         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  training  of  leaders  for  work  in  the  united  front 
is  of  major  importance  to  the  success  of  the  Communist  Party's  pro- 
gram. For  that  reason  we  had  considerable  discussions  in  the  cen- 
tral committee  and  in  the  sections  and  districts  and  State  committees 
of  the  Communist  Party  on  methods  of  work  among  religious  elements. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Did  you  participate  in  these  discussions  personally  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  So  that  what  you  are  testifying  to  is  a  matter  of  your 
own  personal  experience  and  knowledge  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right,  because  I  participated  in  these  discus- 
sions on  national  and  on  lower  levels  in  the  Communist  Party,  and 
I  would  like  to  present  to  this  committee  the  substance  of  some  of  these 
discussions  that  were  aimed  at  educating  the  party  members  on  how 
to  work  among  the  religious  element. 

I  would  first  like  to  read  to  you  what  William  Z.  Foster  has  to  say  on 
this  matter. 

Communists  must  ever  be  keen  to  cultivate  the  democratic  spirit  of  mutual 
tolerance  among  the  religious  sects  in  the  people's  mass  organizations.  A  still 
greater  lesson  for  us  to  learn,  however,  is  how  to  work  freely  with  religious 
strata  for  the  accomplishment  of  democratic  mass  objectives,  while  at  the  same 
time  carrying  on  our  basic  Marxist-Leninist  educational  work. 

A  very  serious  mistake  of  the  American  leftwing  during  many  years,  and  one 
it  would  not  have  made  had  it  understood  Marx  and  Lenin,  has  been  its  attempt 
arbitrarily  to  wave  aside  religious  sentiments  among  the  masses.  Reactionary 
forces  have  always  known  how  to  take  advantage  of  this  shortsighted  sectarian 
error  by  instigating  the  religious  masses  against  the  leftwing.  In  recent  years, 
however,  the  Communist  Party  with  its  policy  of  "the  outstretched  hand,"  has 
done  much  to  overcome  the  harmful  leftwing  narrowness  of  former  years  and 
to  develop  a  more  healthy  cooperation  with  the  religious  masses  of  the  people 
in  building  democratic  front. 

Continuing  along  this  line,  the  Communist  leaders  instructed  us 
in  the  use  of  deceit  in  dealing  with  religious  elements. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Was  deceit  a  major  policy  of  Communist  propaganda 
and  activity? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  it  was.  They  made  fine  gestures  and  honeyed 
words  to  the  church  people  which  could  be  well  likened  unto  the  song 
of  the  fabled  sea  nymphs  luring  millions  to  moral  decay,  spiritual 
death,  and  spiritual  slavery. 

An  illustration  of  this  treachery,  I  might  point  out,  is  smiling, 
sneaky  Earl  Browder,  for  example,  who  was  vice  chairman  of  the 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  greeting  and  praising 
ministers  and  other  church  workers  participating  with  him  in  the 
united  front,  antiwar  activities,  while  secretly  harboring  in  his  heart 
only  contempt  for  them  and  for  the  religion  that  they  represented. 

Now,  in  order  to  train  others  in  the  use  of  such  deceit,  he  wrote,  and 
I  quote  from  What  is  Communism  ?  1936 : 

It  is  true  that  we  have  learned  to  be  much  more  careful  about  the  quality  of 
our  mass  work  in  this  field.  We  take  pains  not  to  offend  any  religious  belief. 
We  don't  want  to  close  the  minds  of  religious  people  to  what  we  have  to  tell 
them  about  capitalism,  because  of  some  remark  or  action  offensive  to  their  reli- 
gion. We  can  well  say  that  the  cessation  of  ineffective,  rude,  and  vulgar  at- 
tacks upon  religion  is  a  positive  improvement  in  our  work. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2171 

Speaking  along  the  same  line  Earl  Browder  had  this  to  say  in  1936 : 

But  these  critics  do  not  understand  that  we  Communists  do  not  distinguish 
between  good  and  bad  religions,  because  we  think  they  are  all  bad  for  the  mass 
enthusiasm  or  lack  of  enthusiasm  in  religious  worship. 

We  judge  religious  organizations  and  their  leaders  by  their  attitude  to  the 
fundamental  social  issues  of  the  day.  What  church  organization  has  so  com- 
pletely demonstrated  its  opposition  to  fascism  and  war  as  that  of  Father  Di- 
vine? Other  churches  could  very  well  follow  his  example.  We  would  be  de- 
lighted if  thousands  of  other  churches  would  support  the  workers'  social  in- 
surance bill,  the  fight  to  free  the  Scottsboro  boys,  and  would  fight  against  Mus- 
solini's invasion  of  Ethiopia,  as  the  followers  of  Father  Divine  have  done. 

The  major  organizational  form  of  the  nnited  front  in  which  the 
churches  were  involved  was  the  American  League  Against  War  and 
Fascism  which  has  been  headed  by  the  Reverend  Harry  F.  Ward. 
That  organization  was  the  key  Communist  Party  front.  There  was 
no  other  Communist  Party  front  in  all  of  the  solar  system  of  organi- 
zations of  the  Communist  Party  that  involved  so  many  ministers, 
churches,  and  religious  organizations.  In  fact,  this  organization  was 
the  key  to  the  infiltration  of  the  church,  and  as  a  result  of  the  suc- 
cessful infiltration  and  penetration  they  were  able  to  involve  these 
ministers  in  every  other  Communist  front  through  the  years,  even 
down  to  the  present  time. 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  Undoubtedly  the  great,  great  number  of  ministers  who 
were  involved  one  way  or  another  in  this  or  other  Communist-front 
groups  were  loyal  citizens  and  fine,  good,  religious  men  who  were 
completely  duped ;  is  that  not  true,  Mr.  Johnson  ? 

Mr.  JoHNSox.  There  were  quite  a  few  of  them  who  were  duped, 
but  the  Communist  clergymen  and  fellow  travelers  and  those  under 
Communist  Party  discipline  were  not  duped.  They  were  fully  con- 
scious and  fully  aware  of  what  they  were  doing.  They  were  the  small 
minority  that  utilized  their  position  to  infiltrate  and  seek  to  subvert 
the  majority  of  the  clergy  in  the  interests  of  the  aims  and  objectives 
of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States. 

Mr,  KuNziG.  It  was  an  example  of  a  small  minority  attempting  to 
influence,  control,  and  use  the  majority  of  good,  decent  clergymen? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  that  is  true,  because  I  know  from  my  own  expe- 
rience in  working  in  labor  organizations,  for  example,  that  we  had 
an  organization  with  10,000  members,  and  there  were  only  about  60 
or  70  Communists,  and  we  controlled  the  organization.  So  with  a 
small  minority  of  ministers  who  work  in  an  organized  manner,  they 
can  always  win  over  and  subvert  and  dupe  the  majority  who  are 
disorganized  and  are  individualistic. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Let  us  adjourn  until  1 :  30. 

("Wliereupon,  at  1  p.  m.,  the  hearing  recessed  to  1 :  30  p.  m.  of  the 
same  day.) 

AFTERNOON  SESSION 

(At  the  hour  of  2 :  05  p.  m.  of  the  same  day  the  proceedings  were 
resumed.  Representative  Gordon  H.  Scherer  being  present.) 

Mr.  Scherer.  Proceed. 

Mr.  KuNzTG.  A  few  moments  ago,  Mr.  Johnson,  you  mentioned  the 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  I  would  like  to  direct 
your  attention  for  a  bit  to  this  very  vital  and  important  organization 
so  that  the  true  picture  of  the  true  work  of  this  organization  may 
become  clear  on  this  record. 


2172         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Would  you  explain  to  the  committee  how  this  group  was  organized, 
who  headed  it,  and  in  general  its  purposes  and  functions  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  I  sat  in  on  meetings  of  the  national  committee 
of  the  Communist  Party  in  New  York  City.  These  were  meetings 
of  the  national  committee  at  which  were  discussed  the  formation  of 
the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  The  substance  of 
these  discussions  was  that  the  Communist  International  had  formed 
an  organization  known  as  the  World  Congress  Against  War.  The 
head  of  that  organization  was  Henri  Barbusse,  H-e-n-r-i  B-a-r- 
b-u-s-s-e,  a  leader  of  the  Communist  Party  of  France  and  a  confidante 
of  Joseph  Stalin. 

The  American  party  was  instructed  by  the  Communist  International 
to  form  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  This  organ- 
ization was  officially  set  up  at  the  first  United  States  Congress  Against 
War,  held  in  New  York  City  in  1933.  At  that  congress  was  Henri 
Barbusse,  whom  I  have  formerly  mentioned,  who  directed  and  assisted 
in  the  setting  up  of  this  congress  and  this  organization. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Did  you  know  Henri  Barbusse  to  be  a  Communist  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  did;  and  incidentally,  I  was  introduced  to 
him  at  that  time  in  a  top  fraction  meeting  that  was  held  prior  to  the 
opening  of  the  congress.  The  policy  of  this  particular  front — 
that  is,  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism — was  to 
involve  the  religious  organizations  into  Communist  Party  activities 
generally  to  exploit  the  tremendous  antiwar  and  anti-Fascist  senti- 
ment that  exists  among  the  religious  masses.  That  is  the  reason 
why,  according  to  the  discussions  that  took  place  in  the  national 
committee,  that  Harry  F.  Ward  was  selected  to  head  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  The  party  conclusion  was  that 
because  he  was  a  minister,  he  would  be  able  to  draw  in  churches, 
and  secondly,  that  he  would  be  able  to  draw  in  labor  because  of  his 
imposing  record  as  a  clergyman  of  some  standing  and  note. 

In  other  words,  they  considered  him  the  ideal  head  for  the  organ- 
ization. It  was  proven  a  good  decision  because  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  was  able,  through  exploiting  the 
antiwar  and  anti-Fascist  sentiments  among  the  clergymen  and 
among  church  people  generally  to  involve  millions  of  people  in 
supporting  the  program  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and 
Fascism.  I  might  say  here  that  the  majority  of  the  American  people 
generally  are  peace-loving  people  and  are  democratic  people,  and  they 
are  opposed  to  war  and  fascism,  and  that  such  a  campaign  as  this  has 
a  tremendous  appeal,  a  tremendous  attraction,  but  when  such  a  cam- 
paign like  the  one  against  war  and  fascism  is  used  as  a  cover  to  attack 
our  Government,  our  social  system,  our  leaders,  when  it  is  used  as  a 
cover  to  attack  our  law-enforcement  agencies  and  to  build  up  mass  hate 
against  them,  when  it  is  used  as  a  cover  for  the  transmission  of  intelli- 
gence information  to  Soviet  Russia,  when  it  is  used  as  a  cover  for 
Soviet  espionage,  when  it  is  used  as  a  cover  for  infiltration  and  subver- 
sion of  our  churches,  seminaries,  youth  organizations,  when  it  is  used 
as  a  cover  to  undermine  national  security,  when  it  is  used  as  a  cover  to 
sabotage  industry  and  transportation,  when  it  is  used  to  prepare  and  to 
influence  and  win  over  millions  in  support  of  the  foreign  policy  of  an 
alien  government,  namely,  Soviet  Russia,  against  our  own  country, 
when  it  is  used  as  a  cover  to  defend  Communists,  the  sworn  enemies 
of  our  great  heritage,  when  it  is  used  as  a  cover  for  preparing  millions 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA        2173 


of  people  ideologically  and  organizationally  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
United  States  Government,  then  that  is  a  different  matter  altogether. 

That  is  the  program  as  it  was  worked  out  in  the  central  committee, 
and  that  was  the  program  that  was  advocated  by  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  when  I  was  not  only  a  member  of  it,  but  a 
member  of  the  national  committee. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  can  you  give  us  any  evidence  of  how  it 
was  used  to  aid  sabotage  and  in  giving  information  to  the  enemy  ? 

Mr,  Johnson.  Before  I  do  that  I  would  like  to  offer  to  the  commit- 
tee a  photostat  showing  that  I  was  a  member  of  the  national  committee 
of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  a  photostatic  copy  here  of  Fight  magazine, 
December  1935,  page  2,  which  purports  to  show  and  does  show  Manning 
Johnson  listed  as  a  member  of  the  national  executive  committee  of  the 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

This  document  is  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  11,"  and 
I  now  offer  it  into  evidence,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  may  be  so  received. 

(The  photostatic  copy  of  Fight  magazine,  December  1935,  p.  2,  was 
received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  11.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  11 

(Fight,  December  1935,  p.  2) 

NATIONAL    EXECUTIVE    COMMITTEE,    AMEKICAN    LEAGUE    AGAINST    WAB    AND    FASCISM 

Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  chairman 
Robert  Morss  Lovett,  vice  chairman         Earl  Browder,  vice  chairman 
Lincoln  StefEens,  vice  chairman  William  P.  Mangold,  treasurer 


Thomas  R.  Amlie 

Israel  Amter 

Roger  Baldwin 

Mrs.  Clinton  Barr 

Max  Bedacht 

Fred  Biedenkapp 

Charles  Blome 

Ella  Reeve  Bloor 

.John  Bosch 

LeRoy  E.  Bowman 

Harry  Bridges 

William  Brown 

Mabel  Byrd 

AVinifred  Chappell 

George  A.  Coe 

Prof.  George  S.  Counts 

Malcolm   Cowley 

H.  W.  L.  Dana 

Dorothy  Detzer 

Margaret  Forsyth 

Maurice  Gates 

Ben  Gold 

Paul  L.  Goldman 

Rabbi  Benjamin  Goldstein 

Dr.  Israel  Goldstein 

Mrs.  Annie  E.  Gray 

Gilbert  Green 

Clarence  Hathaway 

A.  A.  Heller 

Donald  Henderson 

Harold  Hickerson 

Roy  Hudson 

Langston  Hughes 


Rabbi  Edward  L.  Israel 

Clarence  Irwin 

Lela  R.  Jackson 

Manning  Johnson 

A.  H.  Johnston 

Rev.  Herbert  King 

Ernest  Kornfeld 

Corliss  Lamont 

James  Lerner 

E.  C.  Lindemann 

Lola  Maverick  Lloyd 

Waldo  McNutt 

Rev.  J.  A.  Martin 

Rev.  R.  Lester  Mondale 

Peter  Onisick 

Samuel  C.   Patterson 

D.  R.  Poindexter 

Rev.  A.  Clayton  Powell,  Jr. 

Henry   Shepard 

Tredwell  Smith 

Rev.  William  B.  Spofford 

Maxwell  S.   Stewart 

Louise  Thompson 

Alfred  Wagenknecht 

Colston  E.  Warne 

Louis  Weinstock 

James  Wechsler 

John  Werlick 

Richard  Babb  Whitten 

Ella  Winter 

Alex  V.  Wright 

Charles  Zimmerman 


2174  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Mr,  KuNziG.  May  I  also  point  out  for  the  record  that  Dr.  Harry  F. 
Ward  is  listed  as  chairman ;  Lincoln  Steffens,  vice  chairman ;  Robert 
Morss  Lovett,  vice  chairman;  Earl  Browder,  vice  chairman,  and 
William  P.  Mangold,  treasurer. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  KuNziG.  May  I,  Mr.  Chairman,  at  this  point  hand  to  the  wit- 
ness exhibit  11,  Johnson  exhibit  11,  which  has  this  long  list  of  mem- 
bers of  the  executive  committee  of  the  American  League  against  War 
and  Fascism,  and  ask  him  how  many  of  these  names  he  recognizes  as 
people  whom  he  knew  to  be  members  of  the  Communist  Party.  Will 
you  please  name  them,  sir? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  Earl  Browder,  Israel  Amter, 
Max  Bedecht,  Fred  Biedenkapp,  Ella  Reeve  Bloor,  Hari^  Bridges, 
Winifred  Chappell,  H.  W.  L.  Dana,  Margaret  Forsyth,  Gilbert  Green^ 
Clarence  Hathaway,  A.  A.  Heller,  Donald  Henderson,  Roy  Hudson, 
Langston  Hughes,  Manning  Johnson — of  course,  that  is  myself — 
James  Lerner,  Samuel  C.  Patterson,  Henry  Sheppard,  Louise  Thomp- 
son, Alfred  Wagenknecht,  Louis  Weinstock,  James  Wechsler,  Ella 
Winter. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  AVliat  period  of  time  did  this  cover? 

Mr.  Johnson.  This  was  in  December  1935. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  You  knew  all  those  people  whose  names  you  just  gave 
to  be  members  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  should  like  again  to  direct  your  attention  to  the 
question  I  asked  you  a  few  moments  ago  as  to  whether  you  had  any 
proof  of  the  fact  that  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 
conducted  sabotage  and  also  gave  important  material  to  a  foreign 
government,  namely,  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes.  I  would  like  to  read  from  Fight  magazine, 
February  1935,  page  14,  which  I  would  like  to  offer  for  the  record 
later. 

The  league's  program :  No.  1.  To  work  toward  the  stopping  of  the  manufac- 
ture and  transport  of  munitions  and  all  other  material  essential  to  the  conduct 
of  war  through  mass  demonstrations,  picketing,  and  strikes ;  to  likewise  with- 
draw the  professionals  from  the  service  of  the  war  machine  and  to  enlist  them 
in  agitation  and  educational  propaganda  against  war  and  every  aspect  of  fascism. 

In  the  Communist  Party,  may  I  explain,  we  had  discussions  of  point 
No.  1,  and  it  means  that  the  workers  in  a  given  shop  that  is  manufac- 
turing war  materials  should  be  instructed  to  sabotage  the  manufac- 
turer through  strikes  and  other  means  in  order  to  prevent  the  manu- 
facture of  munitions,  and  in  cases  where  munitions  have  been  manu- 
factured and  they  are  in  transit — that  is,  they  are  being  transported — 
to  do  everything  within  our  power  to  prevent  the  transportation  of 
military  supplies.  That  would  mean  that  if  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  were  supplying  arms  to  our  allies,  that  is,  the  sinews  of 
war,  or  for  their  own  security,  as  our  first  line  of  defense,  the  Commu- 
nist's duty  was  to  sabotage  such  things;  secondly,  that  in  the  event 
the  United  States  was  engaged  in  a  war,  that  the  workers  in  industry, 
both  in  the  productive  end  and  the  transportation  end,  should  sabotage 
the  manufacture  and  the  transportation  of  munitions,  which,  of  course, 
you  realize,  would  mean  the  complete  and  total  defeat  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  or  in  the  case  of  its  allies,  their  defeat. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES   IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA        2175 

No.  2.  To  expose  everywhere  the  extensive  preparations  for  war  being  carried 
on  under  the  guise  of  aiding  national  recovery. 

This  particular  section  is  a  cover  for  Soviet  espionage  because 
tliey  are  requesting  here  that  every  worker  employed  in  a  munitions 
plant  supply  the  league  with  information  with  regard  to  what  kind 
of  w^ar  materials  were  being  produced  there. 

Now,  I  want  to  introduce  here  in  substantiation  of  this  a  very  im- 
portant bit  of  information  taken  from  Fight  magazine  to  substantiate 
this  particular  point. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  document  marked  "Manning 
Johnson  Exhibit  No.  12,"  which  is  a  photostatic  copy  of  a  page  of 
Fight  magazine  entitled,  "Hit  Munition  Makers,"  with  appropriate 
maps  attached  thereto,  and  I  should  like  to  offer  this  evidence  as 
Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  12. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  photostatic  copy  of  page  from  Fight  magazine  entitled  "Hit 
Munitions  Makers"  w^as  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Ex- 
hibit No.  12.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  12 

(Fight,  February  1934,  p.  11) 

Hit  Munition  Makers 

All  the  imperialist  powers  are  feverishly  preparing  for  war.  In  the  United 
States  thousands  of  factories  that  could  turn  out  the  necessaries  of  life  remain 
closed — 15  million  workers  are  jobless,  60  million  are  getting  less  than  enough 
to  live  on — but  approximately  17,000  factories  are  making  war  material.  The 
imperialist  governments  are  preparing  a  new  blood  bath  for  the  workers  and 
farmers. 

Look  at  this  map.  To  the  right  you  can  read  the  type  of  armaments  manufac- 
tured in  the  various  States.  (The  map  is  incomplete  because  the  Government 
refuses  to  give  out  facts  and  figures  on  war  preparations.)  Now  we  shall  list  the 
names  of  some  of  the  armament  makers  and  the  cities  they  are  in  : 

Colt's  Patent  Firearm  Co.,  Hartford,  Conn,  (machineguns,  pistols,  rifles,  etc.)  ; 

Remington  Arms  Co.,  Bridgeport,  Conn,   (firearms  and  ammunition)  ; 

Winchester  Repeating  Anns  Co.,  New  Haven,  Conn,  (cartridges,  firearms, 
etc.)  ; 

Savage  Arms  Corp.,  Chicopee  Falls,  Mass.,  Norwich,  Conn.,  Utica,  N.  Y. ; 

Auto  Ordnance  Corp.,  New  York  City  (portable  automatic  guns)  ; 

Smith  &  Wesson,  Springfield,  Mass.  ((revolvers  and  pistols)  ; 

Johnson's  Arms  &  Cycle  Works,  Fitchburg,  Mass.  (small  arms,  cartridges,  etc.)  ; 

R.  F.  Sedgley,  Inc.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.  (rifles  and  pistols)  ; 

Pacific  Arms  Coi-p.,  San  Francisco,  Calif,  (small  arms  and  cartridges)  ; 

Woodstock  Manufacturing  Co.,  Charleston,  S.  C.  (light  ordnance)  ; 

Western  Cartridge  Co.,  East  Alton,  111.  (shells,  cartridges,  etc.)  ; 

Federal  Cartridge  Corp.,  Minneapolis,  Minn,  (shells,  cartridges)  ; 

King  Powder  Co.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio  (shells  and  cartridges)  ; 

Atlas  Powder  Co.,  Wilmington,  Del.  (explosives)  ; 

National  Acme  Co.,  Cleveland,  Ohio  (shells)  ; 

Peters  Cartridges  Co.,  King  Mills,  Ohio  (shells  and  cartridges)  ; 

Hoffman  &  Bryan,  Findlay,  Ohio  (torpedoes)  ; 

E.  I.  du  Pont  de  Nemours,  Wilmington,  Del.  (explosives  and  gunpowder)  ; 

Hercules  Powder  Co.,  Wilmington,  Del.  (explosives  and  gunpowder)  ; 

Aerial  Powder  Co.,  Wilmington,  Del.  (machinegun  parts)  ; 

Chase  Brass  &  Copper  Foundry,  Bridgeport,  Conn,  (material  for  cartridges)  ; 

Arma  Engineering,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  (range  finders)  ; 

Harrington  &  Richardson  Arms  Co.,  Worcester,  Mass  (arms,  etc.)  ; 

Kopper's  Products  Co.,  New  Haven,  Conn,   (gas  producing  ovens)  ; 

Bethleliem  Shipbuilding  Corp.,  Quincy,  Mass.  (war  vessels  and  merchant 
«hips)  ; 


2176         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA 

Newport  News  Shipbuilding  &  Dry  Dock  Co.,  Newport  News,  Va.  (warships)  ; 

New  York  Shipbuilding  Co.,  Camden,  N.  J.  (war  vessels)  ; 

Bath  Iron  Works  Corp.,  Bath,  Maine  (destroyers)  ; 

Electric  Boat  Co.,  Gi-oton,  Conn,  (submarines)  ; 

Federal  Shipbuilding  &  Dry  dock  Co.,  Kearney,  N.  J.  (destroyers)  ; 

United  Drydock,  Inc.,  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  Mariner's  Island,  S.  I. 
N.  Y.  (destroyers)  ; 

Curtis-Wright  Corp.,  Baltimore,  Md.,  Wichita,  Kans.,  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Patterson, 
N.  J.,  Bristol,  Pa.  (airplanes,  bombing  planes,  transport  planes,  engines,  and 
other  equipment  for  military  purposes)  ; 

Boeing  Airplane  Co.,  Seattle,  Wash,  (pursuit  planes)  ; 

Pratt  &  Whitney,  Hartford,  Conn,  (bombing  planes). 

We  call  upon  the  workers  in  these  plants  to  get  in  touch  with  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  112  East  19th  Street,  New  York  City,  or  with 
the  branch  of  the  league  located  in  your  city. 

We  call  upon  all  workers  everywhere  you  have  information  on  the  manufacture 
of  war  material  to  mail  us  in  immediately  the  location  of  the  plant,  the  type  of 
war  material  made,  and  the  number  of  workers  employed. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  specific  comment  you  wish  to  make, 
Mr.  Johnson,  with  regard  to  exhibit  12  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  have.  Now,  exhibit  12  shows  a  maj)  of  the 
United  States,  and  on  this  map  you  will  find  the  exact  location  and 
name  of  many  firms  making  munitions  in  the  United  States.  What  is 
significant  about  this  is  summed  up  in  the  last  two  short  paragraphs  of 
instruction. 

I  quote : 

We  call  upon  the  workers  in  these  plants  to  get  in  touch  with  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  112  East  19th  Street,  New  York  City,  or 
with  the  branch  of  the  league  located  in  your  city.  We  call  upon  all  workers 
everywhere  who  have  information  on  the  manufacture  of  war  material  to  mail 
us  in  immediately  the  location  of  the  plant,  the  type  of  war  material  made,  and 
the  number  of  workers  employed  there. 

I  want  to  say  in  connection  with  this  that  when  I  was  in  the  national 
training  school  of  the  Communist  Party,  one  of  my  instructors  was 
J.  Peters,  who  was  head  of  the  Communist  Party  underground  and 
the  Communist  Party  espionage  apparatus,  and  he  informed  us  that 
all  publications  of  all  Communist-front  organizations  are  sent  to  the 
Soviet  Union  for  study  and  evaluation ;  two,  that  contacts  made  by 
the  Communist  Party,  whether  directly  or  through  front  organiza- 
tions, are  to  be  used  to  supply  information  of  value  to  the  Communist 
Party.  This  information  given  by  these  individual  workers  from 
these  plants  is  sent  in  turn  to  the  Soviet  Union.  The  individual  locally 
is  contacted.  He  is  eventually  recruited  into  the  Communist  Party 
or  in  the  Soviet  espionage  apparatus. 

Now,  he  may  be  used  to  supply  information  because  he  believes 
idealistically  that  he  is  fighting  against  war  and  fascism,  but  in  reality 
he  is  giving  vital  information  To  the  Soviet  Government  for  their 
intelligence  estimate  of  our  defense  setup  in  America  and  for  use  in 
future  wars  against  this  country. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Did  you  know  J.  Peters  under  any  other  name  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  I  knew  him  under  the  name  of  Blake  and  also 
under  the  name  of  Stevens,  Alexander  Stevens. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  These  are  vitally  important  statements  that  you  are 
making  before  this  committee  today  concerning  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism.  I  presume  you  are  testifying  that  its 
leaders  and  particularly  its  chairman,  Rev.  Harry  F.  Ward,  a  member 
of  the  clergy,  knew  personally  every  one  of  these  facts  to  which  you 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA        2177 

are  testifying  and  were  fully  cognizant  of  the  aims  and  purposes  of 
this  organization? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Yes;  I  do.  This  program  was  adopted  at  the  con- 
gress against  war  and  the  program  was  widely  printed  in  the  official 
organ  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  known  as 
Fight.  The  members  and  the  leaders  of  the  league  had  as  their  major 
task  the  spreading  of  this  information  through  tlie  sale  and  distribu- 
tion of  Fight  magazine. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  how  do  jou  account  for  the  large  num- 
bers of  clergymen  and  religious  organizations  involved  in  this  Ameri- 
can League  Against  War  and  Fascism  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  majority  of  the  ministers  in  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  were  involved  by  Harry  F.  Ward,  and  the 
organization  which  he  was  connected  with,  known  as  the  Methodist 
Federation  for  Social  Action;  also  the  People's  Institute  of  Applied 
Religion,  and  other  Communist-front  organizations  operating  in  the 
religious  world.  The  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Service  later 
became  the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Action. 

This  program  was  widely  circulated  throughout  church  organiza- 
tions. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  How? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Through  the  regular  channels  of  the  leagues  that 
were  formed  all  over  the  country  in  which  the  ministers  played  a 
leading,  if  not  the  leading,  part. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  What  leagues? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  branches  of  the  American  League  Against  War 
and  Fascism,  and  I  would  like  to  offer  to  the  committee,  to  show  this 
point,  some  of  the  information  that  I  culled  from  the  copies  of  Fight 
magazine  through  the  years  from  the  formation  of  the  league  up 
until  it  was  abolished,  showing  the  leading  role  that  ministers  played 
in  the  sale  of  this  magazine  Fight  and  in  the  promotion  of  this  par- 
ticular program. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Do  I  understand  that  there  were  branches  of  thi& 
league  in  most  of  the  communities  of  the  country  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  in  most  of  the  large  communities  and  cities  all 
over  the  country  they  had  branches  of  the  league,  and  you  will  note 
on  the  basis  of  the  information  that  I  am  submitting  to  the  com- 
mittee that  the  leaders  in  practically  every  instance  were  members  of 
the  clergy. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  been  handed  a  group  of  documents  and  quota- 
tions from  various  and  sundry  ministers  throughout  the  United  States 
of  America  which  appear  to  be  between  the  years  of  1933  and  1939 
as  quoted  in  Fight,  the  magazine  put  out  by  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  feel  this  material  should  be  incorporated  into  the 
record  at  this  point,  and  I  would  like  to  ask  Mr.  Johnson — and  I  want 
to  make  this  100  percent  clear,  sir — is  the  purpose  of  putting  this 
material  into  the  record  at  this  point  to  show  the  extent  of  the  ac- 
tivities of  these  various  persons  in  the  work  of  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  that  is  my  purpose  only. 


2178  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   ABEA 

Mr.  KtJNziG.  Is  that  the  only  purpose  at  the  present  time? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  that  is  the  sole  purpose. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Then,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  that  clear  in  mind,  I  would 
like  to  recommend  to  you,  sir,  that  this  material  be  incorporated  at 
this  point  into  the  record  to  show  the  activities  and  the  extent  of  ac- 
tivities of  the  various  individuals  herein  named  in  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Those  documents  will  be  made  a  part  of  the  record 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  indicating  the  activity  of  members  of  the 
clergy  and  others  in  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism, 
which  I  understand  has  been  cited  as  subversive  and  Communist- 
front  organization  by  Attorney  General  Tom  Clark  in  1947  and  1948 ; 
by  Attorney  General  Francis  IBiddle  as  early  as  1942,  and  by  the  Spe- 
cial Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  in  1939  and  again  in  1940. 

(The  material  referred  to  is  as  follows :) 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  September  1935,  p.  14 :) 

A  huge  rally  in  Harlem  included  a  mammoth  parade  made  up  of  Negroes, 
Italians,  Philadelphia  delegates,  church  groups,  trade  unions,  and  many  other 
organizations.  Rev.  William  Lloyd  Imes  was  chairman  and  among  the  many 
speakers  were  A.  Johnson  of  the  Provisional  Committee  for  the  Defense  of 
Ethiopia;  Tito  Nuncio,  editor  of  L'Unita  Operatia ;  Elenor  Brannan,  of  the 
Women's  International  League  for  Peace  and  Freedom;  S.  A.  Cowan,  of  the 
Pioneers  of  Ethiopia  ;  Robert  Minor,  of  the  Communist  Party  ;  and  Rabbi  INIichael 
Alper,  of  the  National  Religious  Committee  of  the  American  League,  Boston, 
sponsored  an  August  4  meeting  at  the  Old  South  Meeting  House  with  Rev.  Donald 
Lester  as  chairman. 

Englewood,  N.  J.,  held  a  meeting  the  same  date  at  McKay  Park  with  Protestant 
and  Jewish  speakers.  Milwaukee  held  a  broad  united-front  meeting  in  a  large 
Negro  church  with  Italian,  trade  union,  and  Negro  speakers. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Eeid,  September  1935,  p.  14 :) 
Upper  Michigan :  As  a  result  of  a  tour  by  Rev.  Ralph  Compere,  State  chairman 
of  the  Wisconsin  league,  new  branches  have  been  set  up  at  Iron  Mountain,  Iron 
River,  Iron  wood,  in  Michigan,  and  at  Phelps,  in  AVisconsin.  The  Michigan  towns 
plan  to  organize  themselves  into  a  district  and  to  spread  the  league  further  into 
this  area. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  March  1935,  p.  15 :) 

Mrs.  Chris  Frederickson,  who  in  her  Minnesota  farm  community  has  been  con- 
ducting patient,  persistent  work  since  the  second  congress,  now  begins  to  see 
results  from  her  work.  She  writes  :  "Things  look  brighter  here.  Both  the  youth 
and  the  farmers  are  beginning  to  realize  what  it  is  all  about.  The  local  Young 
People's  Society  is  sponsoring  an  evening  for  this  work,  and  together  with  the 
Farmers  Holiday  are  arranging  a  lecture  by  Rev.  R.  Compere,  chairman  of  the 
Milwaukee  chapter  of  the  league  *  *  *  One  bright  instance  occurred  yesterday 
when  the  farmers  had  a  big  annual  co-op  oil  meeting  and  a  young  man  moved 
that  a  resolution  be  passed  and  sent  to  our  Senators  and  Representatives  that 
that  organization  was  in  sympathy  with  the  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 
It  was  immediately  seconded  by  6  or  7  voices,  and  the  great  majority  voted  for  it." 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  March  1935,  p.  15 :) 

Chicago  is  also  working  on  neighborhood  conferences.  The  first,  held  at  Albany 
Park  area,  had  delegates  from  Epworth  League,  Methodist  Church  Hi-League,  a 
number  of  sororities  and  fraternities,  high-school  forum,  Community  Center 
Girl  Scouts,  several  other  church  youth  groups,  and  from  a  council  of  32  Boys' 
Clubs.  The  plans  made  include  :  Investigation  of  the  CCC  camp  at  Stokie  Valley ; 
all  local  aldermanic  candidates  will  be  invited ;  an  open  hearing  on  Fascist  tend- 
encies in  the  neighborhood,  the  sale  of  Fight  at  a  local  union  and  outside  of  a 
(pertain  shop.    A  large  conference  is  now  on  the  way  on  the  South  Side. 

(Fight,  1938,  p.  3:) 

Harry  F.  Ward,  national  chairman  of  the  American  League,  has  for  many  years 
been  at  the  side  of  labor  in  its  struggle  for  a  better  world.     As  chairman  of  the 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2179 

American  Civil  Liberties  Union,  Dr.  Ward  has  been  the  foremost  lighter  for  free 
speech,  free  press,  and  the  right  to  organize  in  the  country.  He  is  the  author  of 
many  books—  including  Poverty  and  Wealth,  the  Labor  Movement,  the  New 
Social  Order,  In  Place  of  Profit — and  is  a  member  of  the  Teachers  Union. 

(Building  tlie  league,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  March  1935,  p.  15 :) 

Cleveland  held  a  highly  successful  conference  to  broaden  the  base  of  its  organ- 
ization. The  delegates  represented  28  A.  F.  of  L.  locals,  17  social  clubs,  9  frater- 
nal organizations,  12  women's  organizations,  6  independent  unions,  the  Small 
Home  and  Landowners'  Federation,  et  cetera,  et  cetera,  a  total  of  G9  organiza- 
tions. The  secretary  reports :  "Our  trade  union  committee  has  been  enlarged, 
and  the  prospect  of  really  launching  a  campaign  in  the  A.  F.  of  L.  locals  is  good. 
We  succeeded  in  involving  many  of  the  trade  unions  in  the  discussion."  Officers 
of  the  Cleveland  league  include  Rabbi  Barnett  Brickner,  member  of  the  Regional 
Labor  Board,  as  honorary  chairman ;  Prof.  Paul  Rogers,  of  Oberlin,  chairman, 
and  as  vice  chairmen :  Stephen  Lecso,  painters.  No.  867,  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  Rev. 
Horace  White,  Negro  minister ;  Ruth  Bennett,  secretary,  and  Dr.  Zucker,  treas- 
urer. An  intensive  campaign  against  the  proposed  Federal  gag  legislation  is  to 
be  undertaken.  The  secretary  also  reports  that  they  have  set  themselves  the 
task  of  increasing  their  Fight  order  40  percent  and  expect  to  exceed  this. 

(Youth  notes,  Fight,  by  James  Lerner,  July  1936,  p.  28 :) 

About  15  organizations  have  already  agreed  to  send  delegates  to  the  World 
Youth  Congress,  Geneva,  August  31  to  September  7.  Included  are  the  YW'CA, 
National  Student  Federation,  American  Jewish  Congress  (Youth  Division), 
American  Student  Union  and,  of  course,  the  Youth  Committee  of  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  We  have  decided  to  send  at  least  one  delegate 
but  any  city  committee  which  can  raise  the  money  is  free  to  choose  a  youth  dele- 
gate. This,  in  case  you  care  to  know,  is  a  challenge  to  Chicago,  Cleveland,  Balti- 
more, and  other  cities. 

(The  Fascist  International,  Fight,  by  Harry  F.  Ward,  January  1937, 
p.  9:) 

This  time  the  attack  is  against  People's  Front  governments,  because  they  regis- 
ter a  forward  step  in  democracy.  The  effort  is  to  crush  the  people  before  they 
take  the  next  step,  and  establish  the  people's  power  completely. 

(The  Fascist  International,  Fight,  by  Harry  F.  Ward,  January 
1937,  p.  9:) 

The  Pope  made  it  clear  that  he  was  trying  to  save  the  faithful  from  hieing 
deceived  into  alliance  with  Communists.  That  means  the  People's  Front  govern- 
ments in  Spain  and  in  France.  The  Church  blesses  a  cause  that  uses  Moham- 
medan Moors  to  kill  Spanish  Catholics,  but  curses  the  Spanish  Catholics  who 
support  the  People's  government.  The  People's  government  is  ordered  destroyed 
by  Fascist  attack  because  it  may  lead  to  people's  power  in  every  aspect  of  life. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Eeid,  January  1937,  p.  28  :) 

The  midwestern  regional  conference  of  the  league,  to  take  place  in  Chicago, 
January  8  to  10,  will  be  addressed  by  Bishop  Edgar  Blake  of  the  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Church,  Van  A.  Bittner,  head  of  the  Steel  Workers  Organizing  Committee 
in  the  Great  Lakes  area  and  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward.  Our  regional  organizer,  Ralph 
M.  Compere,  is  in  charge  of  arrangements. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Eeid,  April  1936,  p.  27:) 

Centerport,  Long  Island,  held  an  organization  meeting  on  February  18  in  spite 
of  bitter  cold  weather.  A  number  of  new  members  were  signed  up  and  ofiicers 
for  the  bi'anch  were  elected.  The  Reverend  John  Franzen  is  the  chairman  and 
the  Rev.erend  Edgar  Jackson  the  secretary. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  April  1936,  p.  27 :) 

California — Bakersfield  held  a  league  meeting  in  the  local  Labor  Temple 
recently,  with  Bert  Leech,  California  organizer,  as  the  main  .speaker.  The  peti- 
tions against  the  gag  bills  have  been  circulated  very  effectively  among  the  Epics 
and  trade  unions.  The  local  labor  council  has  voted  to  send  official  observers  to 
the  league  meetings  *  *  *  San  Joaquin  Valley  was  toured  by  the  Reverend  Don- 
ald M.  Chase  and  Bert  Leech  in  the  interests  of  spreading  the  league. 


2180         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  March  1937,  p.  27:) 

Chicago. — The  regional  conference  held  in  this  city,  January  8  to  10,  was 
attended  by  175  delegates  who  represented  over  300,000  people  of  the  Midwest. 

Five  roundtables  at  the  conference  took  up  the  problems  of  labor,  sections 
of  the  Copeland  bill.  A  national  campaign  of  pressure  on  Congress  for  the 
revision  of  this  bill  has  now  been  organized.  All  over  the  country,  league  and 
labor  groups  are  addressing  their  Congressmen,  requesting  them  to  support 
the  resolution  presented  by  Representative  William  I.  Sirovich  of  New  York 
and  calling  for  the  elimination  of  "continuous  discharge"  ("fink")  book  and 
the  "certificates  of  efficiency." 

(Fight,  June  1937,  p.  3:) 

Bishop  Francis  J.  McConnell,  Methodist  Resident  Bishop  of  the  New  York 
area,  was  chairman  of  the  Commission  of  Inquiry  of  the  Interchuroh  World 
Movement  which  investigated  the  great  steel  strike  of  1919  when  365,600 
workers  walked  out  on  strike.  The  report  of  the  steel  strike,  of  1919,  issued 
by  that  commis-sion,  was  edited  by  the  bishop  and  is  a  rare  document  of  social 
value.  The  story  here  was  told  at  intervals  to  his  daughter,  Miss  Dorothy 
McConnell. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  June  1937,  p.  27:) 

On  May  3  the  religious  Committee  of  the  Chicago  League,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  its  chairman,  the  Reverend  W.  B.  Waltmire,  conducted  a  very  important 
conference  on  the  theme  of  "Trends  Toward  Fascism  in  Religion.'  Among 
the  speakers  were  Prof.  William  Fauck,  Rabbi  Felix  Levy,  Prof.  Henry  N. 
Wieman,  and  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  June  1937,  p.  28 :) 

Rev.  Norman  D.  Fletcher,  president  of  the  Montclair  Ministers'  As-sociation, 
on  the  subject  of  Civil  Liberties  and  Fascism.  In  celebration  of  its  second  anni- 
versary, the  branch  plans  a  special  meeting  on  May  25  with  John  Jacobson  of 
Brookwood  Labor  College  and  Paul  Reid  of  the  national  office  as  speakers. 

(Youth  notes.  Fight,  December  1937,  p.  28 :) 

We  acclaim  the  participation  of  the  greatest  youth  delegation  ever  in  the 
People's  Congress  for  Peace  and  Democracy.  Not  only  from  the  point  of  view 
of  numbers,  but  from  the  wide  variety  of  organizational  composition,  youth's 
part  stands  out.  Delegates  from  settlement  house  and  campus,  YMHA  and 
YWCA,  religious  and  Negro  youth  organizations,  and  a  whole  host  of  others 
prove  the  point.  It  becomes  increasingly  apparent  that  youth  understands 
the  issues  of  the  day.  Young  people  have  learned  that  fascism  breeds  war 
and  are  determined  to  do  something  effective  about  it.  And  that  something 
effective  comes  out  of  the  Congress — — 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  September  1936,  p.  28 :) 

August  antiwar  meetings :  At  the  August  antiwar  meetings  all  over  the  nation 
the  Spanish  situation  was  the  major  point  of  concern.  The  Emergency  Peace 
Campaign  Committee  of  Pittsburgh  joined  with  the  American  League  there  in 
a  meeting  and  demonstration  at  Schenley  Park.  Music  by  a  WPA  band,  an  inter- 
racial chorus,  mass  singing,  in  addition  to  several  stirring  speeches,  featured  the 
meeting.  Charles  L.  Miller,  vice  president  of  the  Central  Labor  Union;  the 
Reverend  B.  F.  Crawford,  chairman  of  the  Emergency  Peace  Campaign;  Miss 
Blanche  Bray,  of  the  WIL. ;  and  Dr.  R.  H.  Valinsky,  chairman  of  the  American 
League,  addressed  the  meeting.  A  cable  was  sent  to  President  Azana,  of  Spain, 
wishing  success  to  the  Spanish  people's  fight  against  the  Fascists  and  a  telegram 
to  Secretary  Cordell  Hull. 

(Youth  Notes,  Fight,  by  James  Lerner,  September  1936,  p.  28 :) 

Between  August  19  and  22  the  first  of  the  American  delegates  to  the  World 
Youth  Congress  left  for  Geneva,  Switzerland.  In  the  group  were  William  Hinck- 
ley, chairman  of  the  American  Youth  Congress;  Miss  Elizabeth  Scott,  of  the 
St.  James  Presbyterian  Church,  New  York,  representing  the  Youth  Congress; 
Mi.ss  Helen  Vrabel,  of  the  International  Workers  Order;  Harold  Pederson,  of 
the  Minnesota  Farmer-Labor  Juniors;   Jack  Kling,  of  the  Young  Communist 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2181 

League  ;  and  James  Lerner,  representing,  of  course,  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism. 

This  group  will  join  up  with  representatives  of  the  Young  Women's  Christian 
Association  and  YMCA ;  Joseph  Cadden,  secretary  of  the  National  Student  Fed- 
eration ;  Joseph  Lash,  of  the  American  Student  Union ;  two  representatives  of  the 
National  Council  of  Methodist  Youth ;  and  several  others  from  church,  student, 
and  League  of  Nations  Association  groups  to  form  the  American  delegation. 

(Ficrht,  Junel936,  p.  3:) 

Bishop  Francis  J.  McConnell,  whose  article  opens  this  issue,  is  Methodist  resi- 
dent bishop  of  the  New  York  area,  president  of  the  Methodist  Federation  for 
Social  Service,  and  coauthor  of  the  Methodist  Social  Creed.  Bishop  of  Mexico 
during  the  .vears  of  the  revolution,  1912-16,  chairman  of  the  Commission  of 
Inquiry  of  tiie  Interchurch  World  Movement,  editor  of  that  commission's  report 
of  the  steel  strike  of  1919,  head  of  the  Federal  Council  of  Churches  of  Christ 
in  America  from  1928  to  1932,  author  of  17  books.  Bishop  McConnell  has  given 
distinguished  service  to  the  progressive  church  movement. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Keid,  January  1937,  p.  28 :) 

Here  and  There — Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  national  chairman  of  the  league,  meeting 
on  the  Spanish  situation  at  Madison,  Wis.,  on  November  21,  a  large  audience  of 
university  and  town  people  gave  a  very  warm  response  to  his  setting  of  the  issue 
of  democracy  against  fascism.  The  midwestern  regional  conference  of  the 
league,  to  take  place  in  Chicago,  January  8  to  10,  will  be  addressed  by  Bishop 
Edgar  Blake  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  Van  A.  Bittner,  head  of  the 
Steel  Workers  Organizing  Committee  in  the  Great  Lakes  area  and  Dr.  Harry  F. 
Ward.  Our  regional  organizer,  Ralph  M.  Compere,  is  in  charge  of  arrangements. 
The  Pittsburgh  League  had  Clinton  S.  Golden,  regional  director  of  the  Steel 
Workers  Organizing  Committee,  as  speaker  at  a  meeting  on  November  18.  His 
subject  was,  A  Strong  Labor  Movement  as  a  Bulwark  Against  Fascism. 

(Paul  Keid  and  Clara  Bodian  Join  Our  Forces,  Fight,  by  Harry 
F.  Ward,  national  chairman,  June  1935,  p.  14:) 

The  national  bureau  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  an- 
nounces the  appointment  of  Paul  Reid  as  executive  secretary ;  in  addition,  Clara 
Bodian  has  taken  over  the  duties  of  administration  secretary. 

Paul  Keid,  the  new  executive  secretary,  has  taken  an  active  interest  in  the 
labor  movement  ever  since  he  went  out  on  strike  at  the  age  of  16,  as  a  worker  in  a 
wallpaper  mill.  He  has  worked  in  automobile  factories,  at  building  and  road 
construction,  and  for  a  railroad  company.  He  is  a  Hoosier  by  birth,  and  at- 
tended DePauw  University  in  Indiana  where  he  actively  opposed  the  ROTC. 
After  serving  for  2  years  at  the  London  School  of  Economics  under  Prof.  R.  H. 
Tawney  and  Harold  Laski.  He  then  visited  the  Soviet  Union  before  returning 
to  the  United  States.  For  the  past  2  years  he  has  worked  with  Harry  F.  Ward 
and  Reinhold  Niebuhr  at  Union  Seminary.  He  has  aided  in  the  struggles  of  the 
unemployed  for  more  relief  and  for  social  insvirance.  As  an  active  member  of 
the  New  York  City  committee  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 
he  has  led  demonstrations  of  protest  before  the  offices  of  J.  P.  Morgan  &  Co., 
war  profiteers. 

Paul  Reid  came  to  the  conclusion  that  his  life  work  is  in  neither  the  school  nor 
the  church,  but  in  a  mass  organization,  fighting  militantly  against  the  immediate 
danger  of  war  and  fascism.  He  will  devote  himself  to  the  tasks  of  the  league — 
arousing  the  American  people  to  the  imminence  of  these  twin  menaces,  and 
mobilizing  the  greatest  possible  number  in  a  united-front  struggle  to  defeat  the 
forces  of  reaction  which  would  plunge  us  into  slaughter  under  a  Fascist 
dictatorship. 

Paul  Reid  will  be  ably  assisted  by  Clara  Bodian,  a  veteran  in  the  labor  move- 
ment. For  the  past  3  years  she  has  been  secretary  of  the  United  Council  of 
Working  Class  Women. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  November  1935,  p.  15 :) 

Baltimore :  From  all  indications  Baltimore  will  have  one  of  the  finest  confer- 
ences in  the  country.  The  list  of  endorsers  already  gives  the  picture  of  a  very 
broad  movement.  It  includes  several  large  trade  unions,  League  of  Women 
Voters,  Christian  Endeavor,  Episcopalian,  Presbyterian,  Evangelical,  and  Jewish 
ministers.  Urban  League,  professors  and  newspapermen,  YMCA  and  Negro 
leaders. 


2182         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  January  1934,  p..  15 :) 

Los  Angeles  conference :  A  very  successful  conference  was  held  in  Los  Angeles 
on  December  10.  Rev.  Alonzo  W.  Reynolds,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
who  was  a  delegate  to  the  United  States  Congress  Against  War  [and  Fascism], 
gave  the  opening  report.  A  permanent  executive  committee  was  elected  including 
students,  workers,  representatives  of  Negro  organizations,  unemployed,  churcli 
groups,  Socialists,  Communists,  and  pacifists.  The  public  sessions  of  the  con- 
ference were  attended  by  about  1,200  people. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  October  1935,  p.  13 :) 

Took  part  in  busy  and  eventful  Save  Herndon  Day  on  August  14  and  held  im- 
pressive meeting  on  civil  rights,  September  17,  with  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward  as  the 
main  speaker. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  October  1935,  p.  13 :) 

Cincinnati :  League  here  organized  a  real  united-front  meeting  against  Nazi 
persecutions  on  August  18,  and  this  was  followed  by  an  effective  protest  cam- 
paign against  a  Nazi  display  at  a  German-American  Day  demonstration.  Speak- 
ers at  the  meeting  on  the  18th  were  a  trade-union  leader,  a  rabbi,  two  Protestant 
ministers,  and  the  league  secretaiy,  Carl  H.  Levy.  Telegrams  of  protest  were 
sent  to  the  American  Olympic  Committee,  the  German  Ambassador,  and  local 
Congressmen.  An  Ethiopian  protest  meeting  was  held  on  September  5  with 
Alex  Phillian,  midwestern  organizer  of  the  league,  as  chief  speaker.  The  local 
branch  of  the  NAACP  has  afiiliated  with  the  league. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  October  1935,  p.  13 :) 

Baltimore :  On  August  24  the  league  took  part  in  an  Ethiopian  defense  meet- 
ing at  the  city  hall  plaza,  where  Angelo  Herndon  was  the  chief  speaker.  The 
league  also  organized  an  anti-Nazi  protect  meeting  on  August  22,  attended 
by  over  2,000  people,  and  addressed  by  Rabbi  Sidney  Goldstein,  of  New  York 
City,  the  Rev.  F.  C.  Rueggeberg,  George  Renahan,  a  Catholic  layman,  and 
other  speakers  of  Baltimore.  Resolutions  protesting  the  German  persecutions, 
and  banning  the  Olympic  games  in  Berlin  were  adopted. 

(Oh  Say,  Can  You  See?  Fight,  December  1936,  p.  31:) 

And  by  the  way,  we  haven't  been  able  to  improve  on  the  definition  of  "fascism'* 
that  Harry  F.  Ward  gave  at  the  Cleveland  Congress  of  the  American  League- 
last  January.  Here  it  is.  Keep  it  handy  as  a  yardstick  by  which  to  judge  the 
situation:  "Fascism  in  this  country  is  the  destruction  of  democracy  by  violence; 
the  substitution  of  the  rule  of  force  for  the  attempt  of  the  people  to  govern 
themselves ;  and  this,  for  the  sake  of  preserving  profits,  property  income,  and 
the  profit  system." 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  December  1936,  p.  28 :) 

The  mass  meeting  was  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  North  American 
Committee  To  Aid  Spanish  Democracy,  the  organization  which  is  directing  the 
delegation's  tour  throughout  Canada  and  the  United  States.  Bishop  Robert 
L.  P'addock  and  Harry  F.  Ward  served  as  chairmen  of  the  meeting,  with 
Roger  Baldwin  making  the  plea  for  funds.  Joseph  Cadden,  member  of  the  Ameri- 
can Youth  delegation  that  visited  Spain,  also  spoke. 

The  luncheon  followed  a  farewell  dinner  for  Dorothy  McConnell,  secretary  of 
the  Women's  Section,  who  sailed  for  the  Buenos  Aires  Peace  Conference.  Miss 
McConnell  is  an  accredited  delegate  of  the  People's  Mandate  to  Governments,  the 
American  League,  and  the  Women's  Section.  She  will  attend  both  the  Govern- 
ment conference  which  begins  December  1  and  the  people's  conference  which 
precedes  it. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  December  1936,  p.  28 :) 

League  members  arrested  in  Ossinlng,  N.  Y.,  on  August  25  for  distributing^ 
handbills  announcing  a  rally  for  the  defense  of  Spanish  democracy  were  brought 
to  trial  October  10  and  found  guilty  of  violating  a  local  ordinance  regarding  dis- 
tribution of  literature.  Attorney  Samuel  P.  Puner,  retained  by  the  American- 
Civil  Liberties  Union  for  the  league,  maintained  that  the  application  of  the 
ordinance  was  an  infringement  of  freedom  of  speech  and  appealed  the  case  to 
the  next  higher  court.    It  was  also  contended  that  strict  application  of  the  ordi- 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2183 

uance  would  have  prevented  the  distribution  of  campaign  literature  of  the  Demo- 
•cratic  and  Republican  Parties.  Albany  held  a  large  peace  meeting  on  November 
6,  with  William  B.  Spofford  of  the  national  biu-eau  of  the  league  as  chief  speaker. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  August  1935,  p.  15 :) 

Urbana,  111. :  The  Champaign-Urbana  branch  of  the  league  held  a  successful 
conference  against  war  and  fascism  on  May  30.  Delegates  represented  900  mem- 
bers of  their  respective  organizations. 

Rev.  Ralph  Compere,  state  chairman  of  Wisconsin,  was  chief  speaker. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  August  1935,  p.  15 :) 

Hackensack,  N.  J. :  Bergen  County  committee  was  the  first  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  the  national  office  in  holding  a  weekend  school.  Considered  in  two 
sessions  "the  role  of  the  league  in  the  present  crisis,"  and  "principles  and  tactics 
of  the  united  front  in  the  league.  Speakers,  Jay  Wright,  New  Jersey  organizer, 
Clara  Bodian,  and  Paul  Reid. 

(Red  Clay,  Fight,  by  Phil  Bowen,  January  1935,  p.  9:) 

The  Canadian  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  held  its  second  national  con- 
gress at  Toronto  on  December  6,  7,  and  8,  with  500  delegates  and  official  observers 
present,  representing  close  to  500,000  people.  Many  trade  luiions,  youth,  and 
women's  organizations  were  represented.  The  presence  of  Cooperative  Common- 
wealth Federation  Clubs  (C.  C.  F.)  was  of  particular  interest,  as  that  political 
body  corresponds  roughly  to  the  powerful  British  Labor  Party  and  polled  more 
than  300,000  votes  in  the  recent  Federal  election.  The  congress  showed  a  great 
improvement  in  the  work  during  the  recent  year  and  a  real  broadening  of  its 
base.  The  speakers  included  the  Reverend  T.  C.  Douglas,  C.  C.  F.  member  of 
Parliament ;  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward  ;  Prof.  Lome  T.  Morgan,  University  of  Toronto ; 
Maj.  Fred  Fish  ;  Prof.  Felic  Walter,  Trinity  College;  Tim  Buck,  general  secretary 
of  the  Communist  Party  of  Canada  ;  Rev.  Ben  Spence,  chairman,  regional  council 
of  the  C.  C.  F. ;  Dr.  Berta  Hamilton,  prominent  Toronto  pacifist ;  Mrs.  Anna  Sis- 
sons,  chairman  of  the  Fort  William  Independent  Labor  Party  and  prominent  in 
trade  union  circles  ;  Roger  Baldwin  and  Eleanor  Brannan,  representing  the  World 
Committee ;  A.  A.  McLeod,  former  editor  of  the  World  Tomorrow,  and  others. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  December  1936,  p.  27:) 

New  York. — The  mock  trial  of  Hearst,  staged  by  the  New  York  City  division 
of  the  league  at  the  Hippodrome  on  October  22  was  tremendously  effective  and 
drew  widespread  interest.  The  house  was  sold  out  and  hundreds  of  people  were 
turned  away.  Under  the  able  guidance  of  Arthur  Garfield  Hays,  who  acted  as 
prosecuting  attorney,  an  impressive  list  of  witnesses  appeared  and  testified 
against  the  Fascist  character  of  Hearst. 

Among  them  were  Gov.  Hjalmar  Petersen  of  Minnesota,  Oswald  Garrison 
Villard,  Prof.  Robert  K.  Speer  of  New  York  University,  Charles  J.  Hendley  of 
the  Teachers'  Union,  the  Reverend  William  Lloyd  Imes,  and  Representative 
Vito  Marcantonio. 

The  verdict  was  guilty  on  all  counts,  and  the  crowd  promised  to  carry  out  the 
slogan,  "Don't  read  Hearst,  don't  see  Hearst,  don't  hear  Hearst." 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  January  1935,  p.  15 :) 

A  Superior,  Wis.,  conference  is  being  held  to  establish  a  permanent  chapter  in 
that  city,  on  January  7  at  the  Central  Uijih  School  Auditorium.  The  chairman 
of  provisional  committee  is  Rev.  Nat  Buckley  of  the  First  ^Methodist  Church. 
The  use  of  local  radio  station  has  been  secured  for  publicity  for  this  conference. 

The  Wisconsin  State  conference  had  217  delegates,  68 'of  whom  were  from 
A.  F.  of  L.  unions  and  10  of  those  from  central  trades  councils.  Five  official 
Socialist  Party  delegates  participated.  Altogether,  29  Socialist  Party  members 
were  present  and  signed  a  resolution  urging  the  S.  P.  national  executive  com- 
mittee to  affiliate  with  the  American  league.  Altogether,  over  78,000  persons 
were  represented. 

(American  Youth  in  Action,  Fight,  by  Waldo  McNutt,  August 
1935,  p.  14:) 

Twenty-five  regional  gatherings  from  Boston  to  San  Diego  have  given  the 
Youth  Congress  a  mass  base  rooted  in  the  trade  unions,  churches,  YMCA's, 
YWCA's,  and  student  organizations. 


2184         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

(American  Youth  in  Action,  Fight,  by  Waldo  McNutt,  August 
1935,  p.  14:) 

James  Lerner,  national  secretary  of  the  youth  section,  was  elected  to  the 
National  Council  of  the  Youth  Congress,  and  will  be  our  representative  on  the 
executive  council  of  the  congress.  This  executive  council  includes  the  represent- 
atives of  the  Young  People's  Socialist  League,  the  Young  Communist  League,  the 
Farmer-Labor  Political  Federation,  the  Young  Epics,  the  Central  Labor  Union  of 
Toledo,  the  Detroit  Federation  of  Labor,  the  National  Student  League,  the  Inter- 
national Longshoremen's  Association  of  San  Francisco,  the  Amalgamated  Asso- 
ciation of  Iron,  Tin,  and  Steel  Workers,  Ohio,  the  United  Mine  Workers  of 
America,  Russelton,  Pa.,  YMCA's  and  YWCA's  of  many  cities.  Southern  Tenant 
Farmers'  Union,  and  many  other  trade  unions,  workers'  fraternal  organizations, 
religious  groups,  and  miscellaneous  youth  organizations.  This  partial  list  serves 
to  indicate  the  scope  of  the  united  front  formed,  and  we  are  confident  that  we  can 
go  forward  carrying  out  the  decisions  and  plans  of  the  Congress,  a  united,  mili- 
tant, and  progressive  youth  movement  opposing  the  forces  of  reaction  driving 
toward  war  and  fascism. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  August  1935,  p.  15:) 

Activities  in  defense  of  Ethiopia :  Chicago  held  a  large  conference  on  July  12. 
New  York  City  is  developing  mass  sentiment  for  a  huge  protest  meeting  on  Au- 
gust 3  in  Harlem.  The  national  office  has  cabled  the  world  committee  urging 
action  at  Geneva.  A  pamphlet  on  the  Ethiopian  issue  is  being  written  by  Rev. 
William  Lloyd  Imes,  of  St.  James  Church,  Harlem,  and  will  soon  be  ready  for 
distribution.     Other  cities  are  planning  protest  meetings  and  demonstrations. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  March  1938,  p.  28 :) 

Septimus  Craig  is  the  chairman  of  the  League's  China  Aid  Council.  The  league 
recently  held  a  forum  and  social  with  the  Reverend  Charles  Webber,  field  secre- 
tary of  the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Service,  as  guest  speaker. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  March  1938,  p.  27:) 

Over  200  people  attended  this  stirring  meeting.  Fall  River,  Mass.,  heard  the 
Reverend  Donald  G.  Lothrop,  of  the  Boston  Community  Church,  at  an  open  meet- 
ing. His  speech  on  the  far-eastern  war  situation  and  the  boycott  as  a  method 
of  aiding  the  Chinese  people  was  well  received.  The  Reverend  Chester  Ham, 
of  the  Brayton  Methodist  Church,  was  chairman  of  the  meeting.  A  musical 
program  was  presented  by  Granoff  Sister.  Ralph  Eary,  the  delegate  to  the  Pitts- 
burgh congress,  made  his  formal  report  on  this  occasion.  Arthur  Kaplan,  the 
league  secretary,  reports  definite  plans  for  a  membership  campaign  in  the  com- 
munity and  prospects  for  rapid  extension. 

(Fight,  November  1936,  p.  3 :) 

Jerome  Davis,  educator  and  sociologist,  teaches  at  Yale  University  and  is  the 
author  of  many  books,  including  Capitalism  and  Its  Culture,  Contemporary 
Social  Movements,  Labor  Speaks  for  Itself  on  Religion,  Business,  and  the  Church, 
etc.     Professor  Davis  was  elected  recently  to  head  the  teachers'  union. 

(Fight,  October  1936,  p.  3:) 

William  B.  Spofford,  who  gives  a  short  analysis  of  the  election  campaign  from 
the  point  of  view  of  an  anti-Fascist,  is  editor  of  the  Witness,  an  Episcopalian 
weekly,  and  executive  secretary  of  the  Church  League  for  Industrial  Democracy. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Reid,  November  1936,  p.  27 :) 

New  England. — "The  matter  of  peace  is  up  to  the  people  themselves,"  said  the 
Reverend  Kenneth  Kingston,  of  Farmingdale,  N.  J.,  at  a  recent  meeting  of  the 
Provincetown,  Mass.,  league.  The  branch  has  been  very  active  in  this  city  during 
the  past  few  months. 

(Youth  notes,  Fight,  by  James  Lerner,  November  1936,  p.  28 :) 

Milwaukee. — The  local  branch  was  visited  by  the  national  executive  secretary 
in  September  and  plans  were  laid  at  that  time  for  extended  activity  during  the 
coming  months.  On  October  14  the  Reverend  Ralph  M.  Compere,  regional 
organizer  for  the  league,  will  address  an  open  membership  meeting. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2185 

The  United  Student  Peace  Committee,  consisting  of  representatives  of  most 
national  student  groups,  is  planning  an  intensive  program  which  will  start  on 
Armistice  Day  and  lead  up  to  the  student  strike.  On  November  14  there  will  be 
radio  panels,  peace  institutes,  and  a  peace  poll.  This  educational  campaign,  plus 
the  recent  endorsement  of  the  student  peace  strike  by  the  YMCA  and  YWCA 
student  divisions,  will  most  likely  add  tremendously  to  the  size  and  value  of  the 
strike  next  spring.  National  organizations  working  with  students,  including  the 
American  league,  have  issued  a  joint  appeal  and  program  for  activity.  Among 
these  are  the  Emergency  Peace  Campaign,  youth  section.  League  of  Nations 
Association. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  May  1934,  p.  15:) 

Over  6.000  workers,  students,  and  professional  people  came  to  the  first  city- 
wide  demonstration  against  war  and  fascism  on  April  6,  organized  by  the  recently 
formed  New  York  City  central  committee.  The  high  point  of  the  demonstration 
came  when  Norman  H.  Tallentire,  general  secretary  of  the  city  committee, 
appealed  for  new  members  for  the  league  and  2,000  people  rose  to  their  feet. 
Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  national  chairman  of  the  league,  was  the  main  speaker  of 
the  evening. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Paul  Keid,  September  1935,  p.  14 :) 

Upper  Michigan :  As  a  result  of  a  tour  by  Rev.  Ralph  Compere,  State  chair- 
man of  the  Wisconsin  League,  new  branches  have  been  set  up  at  Iron  Mountain, 
Iron  River,  Ironwood,  in  Michigan,  and  at  Phelps  in  Wisconsin.  The  Michigan 
towns  plan  to  organize  themselves  into  a  district  and  to  spread  the  league 
further  into  this  area. 

(Church  Peace  Poll,  Fight,  by  Alfred  Schmalz,  p.  2 :) 

The  peace  plebiscite,  conducted  by  the  Council  for  Social  Action  of  the  Congre- 
gational and  Christian  Churches,  is  the  largest  recorded  vote  in  the  United  States 
on  certain  issues  of  war  and  peace.  About  200,000  people  from  2,504  churches 
across  the  land  cast  their  votes  on  some  of  the  most  controversial  issues  of  the 
day.  The  plebiscite  thus  represents  a  lair  cross  section  of  opinion  and  conviction 
in  America,  and  give  the  facts  on  which  future  education  for  peace  should 
be  based. 

(Forward  Against  the  Forces  of  Death,  Fight,  p.  9 :) 

Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  after  reading  greetings  from  various  organizations :  "Now, 
we  will  have  a  brief  10  minutes  subsessiou  of  representatives  from  religious  or- 
ganizations and  one  from  Negro  and  farmers'  groups.  At  the  conclusion  of  these 
sessions,  we  will  have  special  sessions :  Trade  unions,  cultural  and  fraternal, 
religious,  workers'  clubs,  ex-servicemen's  organizations,  unemployed,  farmer  and 
Negro  organizations." 

Rev.  W.  B.  Waltmire :  "The  final  thing  the  religious  groups  can  contribute  to 
this  movement  is  to  organize  among  religious  people  units  of  people  who  will 
stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the  working  class  until  victory  is  won.  I  may 
be  a  preacher,  but  I  am  on  the  side  of  the  workers  from  now  until  death." 

(Is  Opposition  to  Hitler  Growing?  Fight,  by  John  Haynes  Holmes, 
September  1935,  p.  2  and  3 :) 

In  a  recent  sermon  Dr.  Holmes  made  an  eloquent  appeal  for  unity  of  Chris- 
tians and  Communists  in  oppo.sition  to  the  forces  of  reaction  driving  toward 
war  and  fascism,  and  in  the  struggle  for  the  achievement  of  a  better  world  based 
on  brotherhood  and  cooperation  among  men.  If  churchmen  will  unite  with 
Communist,  Socialists,  trade  unionists,  and  everyone  else  opposed  to  war  and 
fascism,  our  forces  will  be  tremendously  sti'engthened,  and  war  and  fascism  will 
not  be  inevitable.  Already  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 
has  brought  together  in  its  ranks  people  of  diverse  political  and  religious  beliefs, 
liberals,  radicals,  and  revolutionists,  of  all  races  and  creeds. 

(The  United  Student  Front,  Fight,  by  Joseph  P.  Lash,  March  1936, 
p.  6:) 

The  hope  of  America :  The  student  Christian  movement  is  the  student  divisions 
of  the  YMCA  and  YWCA  but  in  a  larger  sense  it  can  be  said  to  include  the  Na- 
tional Council  of  Methodist  Youth,  the  interseminary  movement,  and  the  many 


2186         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

other  organized  student  organizations  in  America  and  one  of  the  most  progres- 
sive. The  National  Council  of  Methodist  Youth  and  many  local  Y's  supported  the 
student  strike  against  Jim-Crowism  and  violations  of  academic  freedom.  They 
have  cooperated  with  labor  in  strikes.  They  are  for  the  united  student  front 
for  peace,  freedom,  and  security  because  they  consider  it  the  consistent  expres- 
sion of  true  religion  under  present  conditions. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Kussell  Thayer,  April  1939,  p.  27 :) 

The  whole  league  membership  welcomes  Thomas  L.  Harris  as  the  executive 
secretary  of  the  American  League  as  he  assumes  office  April  1.  Mr.  Harris 
comes  to  the  league  from  the  rectorship  of  Christ  Church,  Cranbrooke,  Bloom- 
field  Hills,  Mich.,  and  is  eminently  suited  to  giving  executive  leadership  to  the 
national  organization.  A  graduate  of  Cambridge  University,  formerly  a  fellow 
at  Union  Theological  Seminary,  for  3  years  adviser  in  religion  at  Harvard 
University  and  later  rector  of  the  Church  of  St.  Luke  and  Epiphany  in  Phila- 
delphia, Mr.  Harris  is  widely  known  in  student  and  church  fields.  To  the  public 
at  large  he  is  known  as  a  speaker  and  as  an  author  of  books  on  religion  and 
travel,  and  for  numerous  articles  in  Harper's,  the  Churchman,  Living  Church, 
and  other  publications.  During  recent  months  Mr.  Harris  has  been  able  to 
spend  a  few  days  occasionally  in  the  national  office  in  preparation  for  the  work 
ahead.  The  league  has  been  without  a  permanent  executive  head  for  a  long 
while  now,  and  Mr.  Harris'  appointment  should  give  encouragement  and  new 
determination  to  all  of  us  to  build  the  league. 

(Forward  From  Pittsburgh,  Fight,  by  James  Waterman  Wise, 
January  1938,  p.  6:) 

A  broadened  base :  The  very  composition  of  the  congress  was  proof  of  the 
changed  and  broadened  base  of  the  struggle  against  war  and  fascism.  The 
1,416  delegates  representing  more  than  4  million  people  constituted  an  increase 
of  about  1  million  over  the  Cleveland  congress  of  1936.  Even  more  significant 
than  this  numerical  increase  was  the  changing  character.  As  against  603,511 
trade  union  members  represented  by  286  delegates  in  1936,  there  were  413  labor 
delegates  from  A.  F.  of  L.  and  CIO  unions  who  represented  1,622,231  trade 
unionists.  Similarly  there  was  a  rise  in  farm  representation  from  61,471  in 
1936  to  163,036.  In  addition,  there  was  broad  representation  from  professional, 
religious,  youth,  racial,  fraternal,  and  women's  groups. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Kussell  Thayer,  May  1938,  p.  27 : ; 

A  crowd  of  over  17,000  people  turned  out  to  the  rally  for  peace  at  Madison 
Square  Garden,  New  York  City,  April  4.  The  meeting  was  conducted  under 
the  sponsorship  of  a  group  of  prominent  individuals  in  the  peace  movement: 
Henry  A.  Atkinson,  Harry  F.  Ward,  Henrietta  Roelofs,  James  T.  Shotwell, 
William  B.  Spofford,  William  W.  Hinckley,  Clark  M.  Eichelberger,  Charles  G. 
Fenwick,  Marion  M.  Miller,  Margaret  E.  Forsyth,  Edgar  J.  Fisher.  The  national 
office  and  the  New  York  City  division  of  the  American  League  participated  in 
the  arrangements  for  this  great  peace  rally,  where  thousands  of  people  turned 
out  and  voted  unanimously  for  a  resolution  to  Congress  and  the  administration 
which  called  for  a  revision  of  the  Neutrality  Act  and  the  holdding  of  open  hear- 
ings in  the  House.  The  speakers  were  Bishop  G.  A.  Oldham,  of  Albany,  chair- 
man ;  Dr.  Charles  Fenwick,  president  of  the  Catholic  Association  for  Inter- 
national Peace ;  Clark  M.  Eichelberger,  of  the  League  of  Nations  Association ; 
Bishop  Francis  J.  McConnell ;  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  of  the  American  League  for 
Peace  and  Democracy ;  Representative  Byron  N.  Scott,  of  California ;  the  Rever- 
end Herman  F.  Reissig;  and  Rabbi  Stephen  S.  Wise.  Dr.  Ward's  speech  has 
been  i>ublished  by  the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Service  and  can  be  secured 
from  the  American  League  at  5  cents  a  copy  and  at  reduced  rates  in  bundle  lots. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Let  the  record  show  this  is  where  the  special  consid- 
eration ends. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  do  you  have  any  furtlier  material  involv- 
ing the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  sir ;  I  do.  In  addition  to  those  statements  which 
have  just  been  incorporated  in  the  record,  I  have  four  very  important 
additional  statements  which  I  should  like  to  present  to  the  committee 
from  Fight  magazine.     They  cover  the  period  from  1934  to  1938. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2187 

They  show  advocacy  of  the  sabotajje  of  industry  and  transportation 
by  the  American  Lea<^ie  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Mr.  KuNZKJ.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  respectfully  recommend  that  these 
four  statements  bo  incorporated  into  the  record  at  this  point. 

Mr.  SciiEKEK.  They  may  be  so  incorporated. 

(The  material  referred  to  is  as  follows:) 

(The  Campus  Divides,  F'ight,  by  James  A.  Wechsler,  October 
lOa-i,  p.  13:) 

Chemical,  and  all  otber  warfare,  will  become  impossible  when  and  if  all  those 
who  make,  traii-sport,  ami  operate  "means  of  destruction"  refuse  any  longer  to. 
do  so.  U'here  is  no  power  on  earth  that  could  resist  for  so  much  as  1  week 
the  relentless  forces  of  mass  action  directed  by,  and  in  the  sole  interests  of, 
plain  human  beings  who  wish  to  control  their  destinies  to  the  ends  of  peace,, 
security,  and  social  progress. 

(Merchant  Seamen,  Fight,  by  James  Green,  May  193-1,  p.  14:) 

Stop  munition  shipments:  It  is  plain  that  in  the  maritime  industry  the  cards 
are  stacked  all  down  the  line  lor  war,  and  there  is  only  one  force  that  can 
prevent  them  from  being  dealt  and  that  force  is  the  internati<mal  class  unity 
of  the  workers  organizing  and  carrying  out  strikes  against  shipment  of  war 
materials  and  cooperating  with  all  those  who  are  seriously  hghtiug  against 
war. 

(Father  Couglilin  Shows  His  Face,  Fight,  by  Harold  Patch,  INIarcli 
1038,  p.  12:) 

Methodists  against  war :  The  social  service  commission  of  the  New  York  East 
Annual  Conlerence,  composed  of  300  Methodist  ministers,  adopted  the  following 
decliU'ation  on  May  10 :  "The  church  must  be  in  active  opposition  to  war  and 
stand  for  total  and  universal  disarmament.  We  favor  organized  resistance  to 
war  and  preparations  for  war.  We  urge  workers  and  professional  men  to  unite 
in  an  effort  to  stop  the  manufacture  and  transport  of  munitions  and  other  ma- 
terials essential  to  the  conduct  of  war." 

(Fight  magazine,  June  1035,  p.  12:) 

Methodists  Against  War.  The  Social  Action  Service  Commission  of  the  New 
York  East  Annual  Conference,  composed  of  300  Methodist  ministers,  adopted 
the  following  declaration  on  May  10  : 

"The  church  must  be  in  active  opposition  to  war  and  stand  for  total  dis- 
armaments. We  favor  organized  resistance  to  war  and  preparations  to  war. 
We  urge  workers  and  professional  men  to  unite  in  an  effort  to  stop  the  manu- 
facture and  transport  of  munitions  and  other  materials  essential  to  the  con- 
duct of  war." 

Mr.  JoHNSox.  Here  are  some  excerpts  from  Fight  magazine  which 
clearly  indicate  that  the  policy  advocated  by  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  was  actually  carried  out. 

Mr.  KuxziG.  I  should  like  to  offer  in  addition,  Mr.  Chairman,  these 
two  excerpts  from  Fight  to  be  incorporated  in  the  record  at  this 
point  as  excellent  examples  of  how  the  policy  set  forth  by  the  Ameri- 
can League  Against  War  and  Fascism  has  been  carried  out. 

Mr.  SciiERER.  It  shall  be  so  incorporated. 

(The  material  I  referred  to  is  as  follows:) 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  May  1934,  p.  15  :) 

From  Baltimoi'e  we  get  word  that  two  antiwar  committees  have  been  or- 
ganized on  ships  leaving  that  port.  On  one  of  these  ships  a  pledge  was  signed 
by  2!)  of  the  seamen  to  strike  against  imperialist  war  on  May  1.  This  is  part 
of  the  activity  being  developed  in  Baltimore,  leading  up  to  the  conference  to- 
be  held  there  on  April  29. 

(Building  the  League,  Fight,  by  Ida  Dailes,  May  1934,  p.  15:) 

The  Baltimore  section  of  the  league  has  begun  concentration  on  very  impor- 
tant waterfront  points  of  that  city.     Here  are  located  chemical  plants,  scrap 


2188  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

iron,  ordnance,  and  shipbuilding  depots.  Leaflets  were  distributed  to  these 
workers  announcing  an  antiwar  outdoor  meeting  April  6.  When  the  speakers 
arrived,  more  than  500  workers  were  waiting  for  them,  and  by  the  time  the 
meeting  was  in  full  swing,  1,500  Negro  and  white  workers  were  in  attendance 
from  these  basic  war  industries.  The  meeting  was  addressed  by  marine  and 
steelworkers,  and  the  response  was  good.  Another  meeting  will  be  held  in 
the  same  place  when  committees  and  branches  of  the  league  will  be  set  up.  A 
similar  meeting  at  another  point  on  the  waterfront  was  attended  by  600  sea- 
men, steelworkers  and  longshoremen,  with  equally  good  response  from  the 
audience.  Committees  of  the  league  have  been  set  up  on  five  ships.  A  benefit 
performance  of  the  motion  picture,  Forgotten  Man,  is  being  given  by  the 
Baltimore  section,  with  an  antiwar  part  replacing  the  patriotic  ending  of  the 
film. 

Mr.  Johnson.  You  will  note  point  7  in  the  league's  program  calls 
for  the  winning  of  the  Armed  Forces  to  the  support  of  the  program 
of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 
*  I  would  like  to  offer  to  the  committee  some  quotations  from  Fight 
magazine  showing  that  efforts  were  made  to  infiltrate  the  armed 
services  and  that  they  did  pay  off  to  the  extent  that  members  of  the 
National  Guard  and  the  Regular  Army  participated  in  meetings  of 
the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  and  that  in  their 
speeches  at  these  meetings  they  revealed  military  secrets  which,  of 
course,  were  transmitted  by  the  Communists  w^ithin  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  to  Soviet  Russia  and  to  Soviet 
Military  Intelligence.  I  know  that  such  was  the  procedure  on  the 
basis  of  my  experience  and  knowledge  as  a  leader  in  the  Communist 
Party. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  You  had  personal  experience  in  the  transmission  of 
such  information? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  that  was  a  rule  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  When  you  say,  Mr.  Witness,  that  that  was  a  rule  of 
the  party,  do  you  mean  that  it  was  understood  that  all  information 
coming  into  the  league  was  to  be  passed  on  to  Soviet  Intelligence? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  all  information  coming  into  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  at  all  front  organizations  of  the 
Communist  Party  had  to  be  sent  to  Russia  for  evaluation. 

Mr.  Scherer.  And  it  is  passed  on  through  these  various  front 
organizations  by  the  members  of  the  Communist  Party  who  have 
infiltrated  these  front  organizations  and  who  actually  run  the  front 
organizations? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct.  The  Communist  Party  fraction,  in 
other  words,  in  the  front  organizations  is  responsible  for  the  trans- 
mission of  this  information  and  material  to  the  leaders  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  who  forward  it  to  Soviet  Russia,  where  it  is  handed 
over  to  the  various  connnissions  and  evaluated. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  recommend,  Mr.  Chairman,  then,  that  these  excerpts 
from  Fight  magazine,  in  addition  to  all  the  other  previous  excerpts 
from  Fight  magazine  which  have  been  presented  here  this  afternoon 
be  incorporated  in  toto  into  the  record  at  this  point. 

Mr.  Scherer.  So  the  record  may  be  clear,  Mr.  Johnson,  do  I  under- 
stand from  your  testimony  that  you,  yourself,  had  knowledge  of  a 
transmission  of  such  information  as  you  have  indicated,  and  that 
you  are  merely  introducing  these  excerpts  from  the  official  publica- 
tion of  the  league  to  substantiate  and  corroborate  what  you  are  testi- 
fying here  today  from  your  own  knowledge  ? 


COMJMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2189 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  am  testifyino;  from  my  own  knowledge  and 
training  while  a  member  of  tlie  Communist  Party. 
Mv.  SciiEKEK.  It  may  be  incorporated  into  the  record. 
(The  material  referred  to  is  as  follows :) 

(Youth  Congress,  Fight,  by  James  Lerner,  November  1934,  p.  13 :) 

We,  si'oups  of  Illinois  snardsmen  delegated  here  by  groups  of  guardsmen  in 
our  companies,  greet  you  in  your  stru.ggle  against  war  and  fascism.  We  bring 
word  from  antiwar  and  anti-Fascist  groups  organizing  within  the  regiments 
to  give  expression  to  our  form  of  fighting  fascism,  by  refusal  to  strike  duty. 

We  wish  to  state  that  several  entire  companies  in  the  National  Guard  through 
a  verbal  vote  have  endorsed  our  program  against  strike  duty.  We  pledge  our 
support  in  organizing  many  more  such  groups'.  We,  workers  in  uniform,  are 
with  you. 

(Signed)     Groups  of  Guardsmen,  33d  Division,   Illinois  National   Guard. 

(Youth  Congress,  Fight,  by  James  Lerner,  p.  13 :) 

The  Youth  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism,  which  has  just  been  held  in 
Chicago  as  part  of  the  Second  United  States  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism : 
Seven  hundred  and  forty-nine  youth  delegates  between  the  ages  of  16  and  25 
(out  of  a  total  of  3,332  delegates),  young  workers,  and  students,  some  fellows 
who  a  few  days  previous  to  the  congress  were  shouldering  rifles  in  the  National 
Guard,  or  even  in  the  Regular  Army,  and  know  what  military  training  means, 
made  their  way  to  Chicago. 

(Forward,  Fight,  November  1934,  p.  14:) 

A  representative  from  the  National  Guard  : 

"As  a  representative  of  a  group  of  guardsmen  from  four  divisions  of  the 
National  Guard  of  the  United  States,  I  bring  you  greetings.  [Applause.]  We 
are  carrying  on  work  among  the  National  Guard  against  fascism  by  organizing 
antlstrikebreaking  groups.  We  pledge  our  full  support  to  carry  out  all  the  deci- 
sions of  the  congress."     [Applause  and  cheering.] 

Chairman  Ward  :  "Please  don't  delay  this  part  of  the  program  by  prolonged 
applause.  We  are  now  to  hear  from  a  first  lieutenant  of  the  Regular  United 
States  Army." 

First  Lieutenant,  United  States  Army:  "The  troops  of  this  area  have  just 
completed  in  Camp  Custer,  Mich.,  war  meneuvers  on  a  larger  scale  than  since  the 
last  war.  The  Reserve  ofiicers  of  this  area  have  worked  out  all  the  details  of 
their  mobilizations  plans,  while  training  has  been  intensified  here.  For  the 
machines  of  destruction  the  capitalists  pay  dearly,  but  to  the  General  Staff  the 
lives  of  the  workers  are  cheap.  Our  participation  in  this  congress  is  our  militant 
answer  to  those  preparations."     [Great  applause  and  demonstration.] 

(The  Steelworkers,  Fight,  by  ^Y.  S.  Eichards,  March  1934,  p.  14:) 

But  all  antiwar  activities  to  date  are  entirely  insufficient.  There  must  be  a 
thousandfold  increase  in  the  activities  of  all  who  oppose  war.  Especially  must 
the  American  league  plan  and  carry  through  a  progi'am  of  concentrated  atten- 
tion upon  the  key  war  industries,  and  especially  steel.  This  campaign  can  be 
assisted  if  every  man  and  woman  in  a  steel  town  will  write  in  and  tell  the 
American  league  every  detail  of  war  preparations  in  their  locality. 

(National  Guard,  Fight,  by  a  member  of  the  212th  Coast  Artillery 
Antiaircraft,  March  1934,  p.  14:) 

In  such  a  specialized  arm  of  the  Army  as  the  212th  Coast  Artillery  Antiaircraft 
Regiment  preparations  for  war  are  noticeable.  Tliis  regiment,  which  will  form 
the  basis  in  time  of  war  for  the  training  of  thousands  of  gunners  among  the 
drafted  civilians,  is  being  constantly  perfected  for  aerial  combat.  Though 
ostensibly  for  protecting  ammunition  dumps,  aviation  bases,  and  strategic  posi- 
tions, developing  motorization  is  pointng  to  the  use  of  this  regiment  as  an  arm 
of  attack.  Mounted  on  trucks  with  a  speed  averaging  75  miles  an  hour,  and  at 
lower  speeds  doing  rapid  artillery  fire,  the  regiment  attains  great  mobility  and 
firing  accuracy.  The  antiaircraft  guns  have  been  throwing  a  hundred-mile  beam. 
Actual  war  maneuvers  every  year  at  the  camp  in  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  which  every  man 
must  attend  even  at  the  risk  of  losing  his  job,  demonstrate  the  developing  of 
efficiency. 


2190  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

(National  Guard,  Fight,  by  a  member  of  the  212th  Coast  Artillery 
Antiaircraft,  March  1934,  p.  14:) 

Reach  the  National  Guard :  The  National  Guard  man  knows  that  he  is  the  first 
to  be  called  in  time  of  war.  He  is  also  conscious  of  the  fact  now,  that  he  is  used 
in  breaking  strikes.  Many  are  being  enlisted  and  trained  in  Fascist  gangs. 
However,  antiwar  and  anti-Fascist  propaganda,  when  it  reaches  him,  falls  on 
particularly  fertile  ground.  Special  attention  must  be  paid  to  reaching  the 
National  Guard  men.  In  New  York  there  are  26,000  of  them.  In  almost  every 
State  there  are  many  regiments  of  these  soldiers.  Before  Roosevelt  was  elected 
President,  Congress  appropriated  $300  million  for  the  guard.  Now  this  amount 
has  increased  tremendously.  Exact  information  is  rarely  printed  in  the  press. 
The  New  York  National  Guardsman,  an  official  organ  of  the  War  Department 
wiiich  is  the  prostitute  press  of  the  American  warmongers. 

Antiwar  publications  and  literature  must  reach  the  National  Guard  men.  In. 
the  armories  and  in  the  homes  of  the  men  and  in  their  shops  there  must  be  a 
ceaseless  barrage  of  political  education.  Tlie  National  Guard  man  is  a  potential 
antiwar  and  anti-Fascist  fighter. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have,  by  any  chance,  with  you,  Mr.  Johnson,, 
any  copies  of  Fight  magazine,  or  shall  I  say  photostatic  copies  of 
pertinent  pages  of  Fight  magazine,  which  illustrates  specifically  the 
program  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  I  have. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Would  you  pass  them  over  to  me,  please. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  should  like  to  offer  these  five  docu- 
ments into  evidence  as  Johnson  exhibit  Nos.  13,  14,  15,  16,  and  17. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Before  these  documents  are  admitted  in  evidence,  I 
want  to  ask  the  witness  a  question  of  similar  import  to  that  one  I  just 
asked  a  few  minutes  ago.  Is  the  information  contained  in  these  ex- 
hibits a  true  example  of  the  actions  of  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism,  loiown  to  you  by  your  own  personal  experiences  in 
the  league? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  from  my  own  personal  knowledge  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party  and  a  member 
of  the  national  committee  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and 
Fascism,  this  information  represents  the  program  of  the  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  and  also  the  program  of  the  Communist 
Party.  I  sat  in  on  meeting's  on  both  the  high  level  and  low  level  in  the 
Communist  Party,  at  which  time  the  program  of  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  was  discussed  and  recommended. 

These  discussions  and  recommendations  were  handed  down  by  the 
political  bureau  of  the  Communist  Party,  discussed  in  the  lower  organs 
of  the  Communist  Party.  They  were  presented  to  the  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism  for  adoption  by  the  Communist  Party  fraction 
within  the  league. 

Mr,  Kunzig.  In  other  words,  Mr.  Johnson,  you  not  only  participated 
in  all  these  events  described  herein,  but  jon  lived  them  in  j^our  own 
personal  life? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Scherer.  In  view  of  that  statement,  exhibit  Nos.  13,  14,  15,  16, 
and  17  may  be  admitted  into  evidence. 

(The  photostatic  copies  of  Fight  magazine  pages  received  in  evi- 
dence as  Johnson  exhibit  Nos.  13, 14, 15, 16,  and  17.) 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2191 

Manning  Johnson  Exhidit  No.  13 
(Fight,  February  193G,  iip.  8  and  9) 
The  Thiud  Congress 
(By  Paul  Roid) 

Clevelaud's  reception  of  the  Third  United  States  Congress  Against  War  and 
Fascism  differed  greatly  from  our  previous  experiences.  The  Cleveland  Feder- 
ation of  Labor  was  officially  represented  by  five  delegates  and  l)rougbt  words  of 
greeting  through  Max  S.  Hayes,  veteran  labor  leader.  Not  only  did  the  city 
council  endorse  the  congress,  but  the  mayor  was  present  at  the  opening  mass 
meeting  to  bring  words  of  greeting.  The  press  gave  us  liberal  space  and  sympa- 
thetic attention.  Arrow  placards  on  lampposts  and  cards  in  the  streetcars 
announced  the  congress  and  pointed  the  way  to  the  pulilic  auditorium. 

The  movement  against  war  and  fascism  in  the  United  States  is  growing  in 
scope,  in  numbers,  in  seriousness  of  purpose,  and  in  understanding  of  the  means 
necessary  to  achieve  its  goals.  The  character  and  proceedings  of  the  Third 
United  States  Congress  Against  AVar  and  Fascism  demonstrated  this  fact. 
Organized  labor  and  farm  people,  schoolteachers  and  youth,  professional  work- 
ers and  women  testilied  to  the  broad  character  and  deep  devotion  of  the  forces 
opposed  to  war  and  fascism  by  their  active  work  and  significant  decisions  in  this 
congress.  From  the  opening  moments  of  the  commission  meetings  on  Friday  to 
the  closing  minutes  of  the  secretaries'  meeting  on  Monday  it  was  evident  that  the 
third  congress  meant  business,  and  that  every  delegate  was  ready  to  take  an 
active  part  in  shaping  the  program  and  developing  the  tactics  necessary  to  stop 
war  and  fascism. 

It  was  evident,  too,  from  the  very  outset,  that  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism  had  gained  the  attention  both  of  friends  and  sympathizers  and 
of  opponents  and  enemies.  The  endorsements  of  labor  and  of  civic  bodies,  the 
presence  of  official  observers  from  political  groups  and  the  interest  of  the  press 
and  public  figures  marked  the  broad  impress  of  the  Congress.  Attacks  by  offi- 
cials of  the  American  Legion  and  the  presence  of  the  snooping  Hearst  press 
revealed  that  the  league  had  become  a  force  to  be  considered  l)y  the  proponents 
of  war  and  fascism. 

The  serious  mood  of  the  congress  and  the  broad  makeup  of  the  delegations 
characterized  the  sessions  of  the  three  commissions  that  met  on  Friday  at  the 
Hotel  Hollenden.  The  women's  commission,  ably  led  by  Margaret  Forsythe, 
considered  the  signature  campaign  for  total  disarmament,  antiwar  work  among 
farm  women,  the  increasing  discrimination  used  against  women,  and  several 
other  vital  problems.  A  national  women's  committee  was  selected  to  carry  on 
the  program  adopted  by  this  commission.  The  youth  commission,  with  Waldo 
McNutt  and  James  Lerner  as  leaders,  gave  its  attention  to  the  problems  of  mili- 
tarism in  education  and  youth  under  fascism.  The  Commission  on  Organiza- 
tional Structure  and  Tactics,  with  Charles  Webber  in  the  chair,  concentrated 
on  finance  and  membership,  extensions  and  affiliations,  campaigns  and  united- 
front  problems.  "Our  burning  concern  in  this  commission,"  read  the  opening 
report,  "and  throughout  the  whole  congress  is  to  strengthen  the  league  as  the 
most  effective  organization  opposing  the  onrush  of  war  and  the  inroads  of  fascism 
in  the  United  States." 

Mass  meeting.  Friday  night.  The  arena  of  the  Public  Auditorium.  From  the 
opening  words  of  greeting  by  Mayor  Harold  Burton  of  Cleveland  to  the  closing 
words  of  the  last  speaker,  Gen.  Smedley  Butler,  the  common  purpose  and  intense 
interest  of  the  10,000  people  assembled  was  constantly  affirmed.  Scorning  the 
criticism  of  the  local  American  Legion,  Mayor  Burton  defended  the  right  of  free 
speech  and  free  assembly  by  welcoming  the  congress  on  behalf  of  the  city  of 
Cleveland.  Max  S.  Hayes,  speaking  for  the  A.  F.  of  L.  of  Cleveland,  warned  the 
huge  crowd  of  the  growing  Fascist  acts  of  orderly  government,  and  maintained 
that  even  if  the  devil  himself  had  founded  the  league  he  was  with  it  through 
thick  and  thin  in  its  purpose  to  stop  war  and  fascism. 

Among  the  other  speakers  were  Caroline  Hart,  youth  speaker;  Langston 
Hughes,  Negro  author  and  playwright ;  Rabbi  Barnett  R.  Brickner,  of  Cleveland ; 
Frank  Palmer,  editor  of  the  People's  Press  ;  Bishop  Edgar  Blake,  of  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church;  Wyndham  Mortimer,  of  the  auto  workers'  union;  State 
Senator  C.  W.  Fine,  of  North  Dakota  ;  and  Gen.  Smedley  Butler.  All  reiterated 
the  need  for  the  widest  possible  common  action  against  the  evils  of  war  and 


2192  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

fascism.  Bishop  Blake,  in  his  quiet,  scholarly  way,  alined  the  church  morally 
and  actively  with  all  those  forces  that  are  working  for  peace  and  freedom. 
General  Butler,  in  his  typical  style,  denounced  war  as  a  racket,  and  swore  that 
the  league  was  on  the  right  track  in  opposing  war.  Dr.  Ward,  as  chairman 
of  the  meeting,  clearly  stated  the  purposes  and  program  of  the  league  just 
before  he  introduced  General  Butler  for  the  part  of  the  program  that  went 
on  the  air. 

The  first  general  session  of  the  congress  on  Saturday  morning  began  with  a 
very  dramatic  moment  as  the  chairman,  Dr.  Ward,  asked  the  delegates  to  stand 
in  memory  of  those  who  would  have  been  present  but  were  restrained  in  jails. 
Greetings  from  Councilman  Joseph  Artl,  of  Cleveland,  brought  words  of  appre- 
ciation from  the  chairman  for  the  valuable  help  that  Mr.  Artl  had  given  in  pre- 
paring for  the  congress.  The  delegates  cheered  as  Mrs.  Victor  L.  Berger,  widow 
of  one  of  America's  pioneer  Socialists,  spoke. 

The  report  of  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  the  national  chairman,  was  received  with 
both  applause  and  sober  reflection.  "We  meet  today  in  a  world  which  is  mo- 
bilized for  war  as  never  before  in  the  history  of  man,  a  world  in  which  war  has 
begun.  *  *  *  Our  task  here  is  first  to  see  that  the  United  States  is  kept  out  of 
war,  next  to  use  our  exceptional  position,  because  of  our  immunity  from  invasion, 
because  of  our  freedom  from  entangling  alliances,  not  for  purposes  of  selfish  iso- 
lation, but  in  order  to  stop  the  wax'makers,  and  the  invaders  of  other  people's 
territory  in  other  parts  of  the  world.*  *  *  It  is  clear  that  the  Fascist  forces  in 
the  United  States  are  crystallizing  and  consolidating.  *  *  *  Fascism  in  this 
country  is  the  destruction  of  democracy  by  violence,  the  substitution  of  the  rule 
of  force  for  the  attempt  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves,  and  this,  for  the  sake 
of  preserving  profits,  property  income,  and  the  profit  system ;  that  is  the  essence 
of  American  fascism." 

According  to  the  report  of  the  executive  secretary,  Paul  Reid,  the  league  grew 
in  the  last  15  months  from  44  city  committees  to  101,  and  from  835  members  to 
4,500.  Significant  advances  in  the  printing  and  distribution  of  publications  and 
in  organizational  developments  were  also  noted.  The  chief  weaknesses  cited 
were  financial  and  the  need  for  more  organizers  in  the  field.  The  report  con- 
cluded :  "We  have  come  far  as  an  organization  and  as  a  force  in  the  American 
scene  in  the  past  15  months.  But  during  1936  we  must  cover  more  ground  and 
become  a  still  stronger  organization  if  we  are  to  achieve  the  goals  which  the 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  set  for  itself  2  years  and  3  months 
ago. 

Nine  commissions  met  on  Saturday  afternoon  to  consider  the  campaign  against 
war  and  fascism  as  it  related  to  specific  fields  and  interests.  The  Trade  Union 
and  Labor  Commission,  with  Clarence  Irwin  as  chairman,  was  the  largest  and 
represented  the  most  vital  interest  of  the  congress.  Between  five  and  six  hun- 
dred delegates  were  occupied  over  4  hours  in  the  deliberations  of  this  commis- 
sion. Delegates  from  coast  to  coast  and  from  all  the  major  industrial  fields  took 
part.  The  war  and  fascism  commission  under  the  leadership  of  Roger  Baldwin 
was  next  largest  in  numbers  and  interest.  Here  the  new  10-point  program  of 
the  league  was  hammered  out  and  prepared  for  presentation  to  the  congress. 
James  Waterman  Wise  was  in  charge  of  the  commission  on  national  and  racial 
minorities ;  Rev.  Herman  Reissig  led  the  religious  commission ;  Kay  Harris  pre- 
sided over  the  farm  commission ;  Harold  Hickerson  was  chairman  of  the  vet- 
erans' commission ;  LeRoy  Bowman,  of  educational  commission ;  Sarah  Story  and 
Gene  Oliver,  of  the  children's  commission ;  and  Joseph  Pass,  of  the  Fight  and 
literature  commission. 

The  cultural  program  on  Saturday  night  was  prefaced  by  a  very  impressive 
Barbusse  memorial  service  in  which  Dr.  Ward,  Earl  Browder,  and  Roger  Bald- 
win were  the  speakers.  The  founder  of  the  World  Committee  of  the  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  was  memorialized  in  words,  in  thoughts,  and  in  music. 
Gen.  Fang  Chen-Wu,  of  China,  and  Jean  Perron,  of  Canada,  added  their 
words  of  appreciation  for  the  historic  work  of  this  great  leader.  The  cultural 
program  of  drama  and  music  was  not  only  impressive  of  itself  but  added  variety 
and  new  form  to  the  congress  program. 

The  Sunday  morning  session  of  the  congress  was  packed  full  of  interesting 
reports,  and  several  rather  dramatic  events  occurred.  Prof.  Robert  Morss  Lovett, 
chairman  of  the  credentials  conmiittee,  gave  a  preliminary  report  on  the  number 
and  kinds  of  delegates  registered.  Margaret  Forsythe,  reporting  from  the 
women's  commission,  not  only  presented  a  resume  of  the  work  done  at  the  con- 
gress, but  also  indicated  the  growing  scope  of  the  activities  of  women  against 
war  and  fascism  throughout  the  country.    The  high  point  of  the  youth  commis- 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2193 

sion  report — given  by  James  Lerner,  youth  secretary — was  the  announcement  of 
a  declaration  of  youth  adopted  by  this  conuuissioii.  Reports  of  the  farm,  reli- 
gious, educational,  children's,  and  organization  conuuissions  followed,  revealing 
a  vast  amount  of  solid  work  and  concrete  plans  for  action  in  these  si>eciflc  fields 
in  the  year  ahead. 

One  more  connnission  report  came  before  the  noonday  adjournment,  and  that 
was  on  the  lO-point  program  (see  p.  (>)  considered  by  the  war  and  fascism  com- 
mission. Roger  Baldwin  presenti'd  these  points  and  they  were  adopted  in  order, 
with  a  minority  report  on  but  one  point.  The  issue  involved  was  a  rather  simple 
one — whether  the  Soviet  Union  should  be  referred  to  in  the  statement  of  our 
stand  on  total  disarmament.  The  assembled  delegates  voted  by  a  decisive  major- 
ity to  include  the  words,  and  thus  rejected  the  minority  position. 

The  international  session  which  began  the  afternoon  program  centered  on  the 
worldwide  character  of  the  movement  against  war  and  fascism.  Dr.  Mendez,  of 
Mexico,  invited  the  congress  to  send  delegates  to  an  all- American  congress  in 
Mexico  City  next  June.  A  message  from  the  oppressed  people  of  Cuba  was 
delivered  by  Leonardo  Fernandez  Sanchez,  now  a  political  exile  in  this  country 
after  serving  valiantly  in  the  Cuban  league. 

Canada  was  represented  by  A.  A.  McLeod,  the  general  secretary  of  the  Canadian 
league. 

General  Fang  Chen-Wu  presented  a  warm  message  of  greeting  from  the  op- 
pressed people  of  China,  with  Dr.  Hansu  Chan  acting  as  interpreter.  Then  Miss 
Haru  Matsui  spoke  for  the  Japanese  people  who  are  opposed  to  war  and  fascism. 
At  this  point  a  statement  prepared  by  a  number  of  Christian  Japanese  in  this 
country  was  read,  giving  expression  to  their  opposition  to  the  imperialist  and 
Fascist  acts  of  the  ruling  group  in  Japan.  Dr.  Kurt  Rosenfeld  spoke  on  behalf 
of  the  German  anti-Fascists  and  revealed  the  latest  developments  of  the  brutal 
Fascist  regime  in  Germany.  Another  colorful  moment  full  of  dramatic  meaning 
occurred  when  Dr.  Ward  introduced  a  Negro  and  an  Italian,  representing  Ethi- 
opia and  Italy,  and  these  two  fellow  lighters  against  the  ravages  of  war  and  the 
oppressions  of  fascism  shook  hands  and  greeted  each  other  warmly. 

Paul  Porter,  official  observer  for  the  national  executive  conmiittee  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  welcomed  the  resolution  introduced  by  Robert  Morss  Lovett, 
which  opened  the  way  for  the  closer  cooperation  between  the  Socialist  Party,  the 
league,  and  additional  trade  unions  toward  the  broadening  of  the  movement 
against  war  and  fascism. 

The  remaining  commission  reports — trade  union,  national  and  racial  minorities, 
and  literature  and  Fight — were  the  next  items  of  business.  Clarence  Irwin, 
reporting  for  the  trade-union  commission,  maintained — with  spirited  applause — 
that  the  position  of  organized  labor  was  basic  in  the  struggle  against  war  and 
fascism.  James  Waterman  Wise  and  Manning  Johnson  gave  the  report  for  the 
minorities  commission,  and  revealed  that  many  minority  groups  were  taking  an 
active  part  in  our  common  drive  against  the  evils  before  us.  Joseph  Pass,  in  the 
concluding  report,  presented  the  plans  for  an  enlarged  magazine  with  many  new 
features,  and  for  additional  pamphlets  and  leaflets.^ 


Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  14 

(Fight,  September  1934,  p.  5) 

Antiwar  Congkess 

(By  Earl  Browder) 

The  writer  of  this  article  is  the  general  secretary  of  the  Communist  Party  and 
a  vice  chairman  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

The  American  League  Against  W^ar  and  Fascism  arose  out  of  the  first  great 
United  States  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism,  held  in  New  York  1  year  ago. 

This  was  the  initial  serious  effort  in  America  to  build  a  really  broad,  all-inclu- 
sive united  front  against  these  twin  scourges  of  the  masses  of  the  population. 
Now,  as  we  approach  the  second  congress,  called  for  Chicago  on  September  28, 
29,  and  30,  it  is  valuable  to  review  our  experiences  of  a  year  ago.  Let  us  recall 
what  it  was  that  made  the  first  congress  a  strong  and  historic  gathering. 

Last  year's  congress  escaped  those  pitfalls  which  would  have  condemned  it  to 
sterility.     From  the  beginning,  it  refused  to  adopt  any  limitation  which  would 


^  This  article  describes  further  the  reports  of  various  committees  of  this  congress,  and 
the  singing  of  "Solidarity"  at  its  conclusion. 


2194  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

have  excluded  any  group  or  category  expressing  a  sincere  desire  to  unite  on  a 
minimum  program  of  struggle  against  war  and  fascism.  As  a  result,  the  congress 
had  2,616  delegates,  from  35  States,  representing  the  broadest  variety  of  organi- 
zations ever  gathered  under  1  roof  in  this  country,  from  churches  and  peace 
groups,  trade  unions,  a  wide  variety  of  workers'  political,  fraternal,  and  cultural 
organizations,  etc.  Some  idea  of  the  inclusive  character  of  the  congress  is  given 
by  the  official  report  of  the  credentials  committee  rendered  to  the  congress. 

Who  Camef 

Report  of  the  credentials  committee  submitted  by  Delegate  Jack  Herling : 
This  report  covers  the  delegates  registered  at  this  congress  up  until  10  a.  m. 
Sunday  morning.     We  have  not  questioned  the  right  of  any  delegate  to  this 
congress  to  be  seated. 

Delegates  are  present  at  this  congress  from  35  States  in  the  United  States 
and  from  3  foreign  countries.  The  total  number  of  delegates  at  present  reg- 
istered is  2,616,  listed  under  the  following  general  categories. 

Antiwar  and  peace  organizations 178 

Anti-Fascist  organizations 19 

Labor  defense  and  relief 172 

Educational  and  cultural 364 

Religious  groups 14 

Language  labor  groups 253 

Fraternal  labor  organizations 370 

Trade   unions 450 

Factory   committees 147 

Unemployed  organizations 135 

Farmers    organizations 41 

Veterans  organizations 87 

Women    organizations 106 

Negro  organizations 19 

General  youth  organizations 129 

Student    groups 79 

Communist   Party 130 

Young  Communist  League 70 

Socialist    Party 9 

Y.  P.  Socialist  League 1 

Other  political  parties    (Conference  for  Progressive  I^abor  Action,  Com- 
munist Party  opposition,  official  representatives) 18 

People's    Lobby 5 

Continental  Congress 1 

National  Guard 1 

Rifle  Club 1 

Antiwar  mass  meetings 4 

Miscellaneous 19 

League  of  Nations  Association 1 

The  coming  second  congress  can,  and  must,  be  made  even  larger  and  more 
alMnclusIve  than  the  first  one.  This  is  the  road  to  a  real  mass  struggle  against 
war  and  fascism,  which  can  be  defeated  only  through  mass  power. 

Facing  reality 

Another  set  of  pitfalls  that  threatened  the  first  congress,  was  the  questions 
arising  around  the  program.  There  was  the  danger  of  dissolving  the  movement 
by  seeking  to  offend  no  one  in  the  program,  which,  in  the  last  analysis  always 
means  to  have  a  program  so  vague  that  it  is  no  program  at  all.  There  was  the 
opposite  danger  of  running  so  far  ahead  of  the  mass  movement  that  the  bulk  of 
even  sincere  enemies  of  war  and  fascism  would  not  be  prepared  to  follow. 

Both  these  dangers  on  the  program  question  were  avoided  by  the  first  congress. 
Steadfastly  insisting  upon  a  minimum  program  of  action,  without  illusions, 
facing  the  most  bitter  realities,  recognizing  the  true  relation  of  class  forces,  the 
congress  at  the  same  time -drew  up  such  a  program  as  even  the  enemies  of  the 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  have  found  exceedingly  difficult  to  attack.  The 
program  appeals  to,  and  gives  practical  tasks  for,  the  most  diverse  groups  and 
strata  of  the  toiling  population,  in  such  form  that  to  reject  the  program  is  clearly 
in  all  objective  results  nothing  else  than  to  reject  the  fight  against  war  and 
fascism. 


COMAIUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2195 

Attached  to  the  call  for  the  second  congress,  this  program  has  again  been  cir- 
culated in  1(X>,U00  copies.  It  would  be  very  valuable  if  it  would  become  the  sub- 
ject of  a  broad  mass  discussion  in  the  precongress  period.  We  invite  all  critics 
of  the  league  or  its  program,  to  come  forwai-d,  please,  with  any  and  all  criticisms 
of  tliis  document.  All  such  criticisms  will  serve  the  very  valuable  purpose  of 
demonstrating  how  sound  and  indispensable  precisely  such  a  program  as  this  is 
for  tlie  movement  against  war  and  fascism.  Perhaps  that  is  the  reason  why  all 
our  enemies  keep  dead  silence  about  our  program ;  it  is  one  of  our  really  strong 
points. 

Taking  stock 

What  progress  have  we  made  in  carrying  out  the  program?  Here  the  situation 
is  not  so  favorable.  Only  the  first  beginnings  have  been  made.  We  cannot,  of 
course,  afford  to  underestimate  the  importance  of  what  we  have  been  able  to  do. 
The  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  has,  for  the  first  time  in  this 
country,  brought  upon  the  scene  a  dependable  yardstick  to  measure  the  worth 
and  effectiveness  of  all  ideas  and  organizations  in  this  field.  This  has  been 
enormously  valuable ;  it  has  brought  some  order  into  the  previous  chaos ;  it  has 
revealed  who  is  who  and  where  they  stand.  A  great  educational  work,  of 
fundamental  nature,  has  been  done. 

Serious  achievements  in  carrying  out  our  program  since  the  first  congress  are, 
however,  as  yet  confined  largely  to  the  field  of  educational  work.  Of  a  more 
deep-g(»ing  nature — mobilizing  for  sustained  actions  and  bringing  organizational 
features  of  a  permanent  character,  we  can  cite  only  a  few  outstanding  examples. 
This  would  include : 

1.  The  growth  of  the  youth  section  and  its  activities,  which  have  extended 
and  activized  the  broad  united  front  to  include  about  everything  healthy  and  liv- 
ing in  its  field,  student-strike  movement,  a  national  youth  day  series  of  mass 
demonstrations,  dozens  of  conferences,  publications,  etc. 

2.  The  Women's  Committee  and  especially  its  mass  campaign  for  election  of 
the  broad  delegation  to  the  Women's  World  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism 
in  Paris. 

3.  The  growingly  successful  publication  of  the  monthly  journal.  Fight  Against 
War  and  Fascism,  which  has  won  a  secure  and  honorable  place  for  itself  purely 
on  its  merits. 

4.  The  mass  demonstrations  and  parades  on  August  4,  the  20th  anniversary  of 
the  world  war,  which  in  some  places,  as  New  York  City,  revealed  an  unexpected 
degree  of  mass  interest  and  active  support  for  the  American  League,  and  dis- 
closed really  great  potentialities. 

Moiilize 

We  have  all  reasons  to  expect  the  second  congress,  to  be  held  in  Chicago  on  Sep- 
tember 28,  29,  and  30,  to  mark  another  big  step  forward.  Every  sincere  enemy  of 
war  and  fascism  must  put  his  shoulder  to  the  wheel  to  guarantee  that  it  will 
actually  do  so. 


Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  15 
(Fight,  February  1935,  p.  14) 

The  League's  Program 

1.  To  work  toward  the  stopping  of  the  manufacture  and  transport  of  munitions 
and  all  other  materials  essential  to  the  conduct  of  war,  throush  mass  demon- 
strations, picketing  and  strikes;  to  likewise  withdraw  the  professionals  from 
the  service  of  the  war  machine  and  to  enlist  them  in  agitation  and  educational 
propaganda  against  war  and  every  aspect  of  fascism. 

2.  To  expose  everywhere  the  extensive  preparations  for  war  being  carried  on 
under  tlie  guise  of  aiding  national  recovery. 

3.  To  demand  the  transfer  of  all  war  funds  to  relief  of  the  unemployed,  the 
distressed  farmers  and  those  deprived  of  education  and  the  social  services. 

4.  To  oppose  the  policies  of  American  imperialism  in  the  Far  East,  in  Latin 
America  and  throughout  the  world;  to  support  the  struggles  of  all  colonial 
peoples  against  the  imperialist  policies  of  exploitation  and  armed  suppression. 

5.  To  support  the  peace  policies  of  the  Soviet  Union  and  especially  the  pro- 
posals for  total  and  universal  disarmament,  which  today  with  the  support  of 
masses  in  all  coimtries  constitute  the  clearest  and  most  effective  opposition  to 
war  throughout  the  world. 


2196  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

6.  To  oppose  all  developments  leading  to  fascism  in  this  country  and  abroad, 
especially  in  Germany  and  other  countries  under  Fascist  dictatorships;  to  oppose 
the  increasingly  widespread  use  of  the  armed  forces  against  the  workers,  farm- 
ers, and  the  special  terrorism  and  suppression  of  Negroes  in  their  attempts  to 
maintain  a  decent  standard  of  living;  to  mobilize  aggressive  defense  of  the 
civil  liberties  of  these  groups  and  so  stop  the  growing  Fascist  trend  of  our  so- 
called  democratic  government. 

7.  To  win  the  armed  forces  to  the  support  of  the  program. 

8.  To  enlist  for  our  program  the  women  in  industry  and  in  the  home ;  and 
to  enlist  the  youth,  especially  those  who,  by  the  crisis,  have  been  deprived 
of  training  in  the  industries  and  are  therefore  more  susceptible  to  Fascist  and 
war  propaganda. 

9.  To  give  effective  international  support  to  all  workers  and  antiwar  fighters 
against  their  own  imperialist  governments ;  and  to  all  who  suffer  under  and 
struggle  against  the  Fascist  state. 

10.  To  form  committees  of  action  against  war  and  fascism  in  every  im- 
portant center  and  industry,  particularly  in  the  basic  war  industries ;  to  secure 
the  support  for  this  program  of  all  organizations  seeking  to  prevent  war,  paying 
special  attention  to  labor,  veteran,  unemployed,  and  farmer  organizations. 

National,  state,  and  city  organizations  of  the  league  shall  carry  out  these 
objectives  through  educational  propaganda,  action  by  mass  meetings,  demon- 
strations, picketing,  and  political  pressure  on  legislative  and  administrative 
officials.  Every  emergency  calling  for  action  shall  be  met  by  national  cam- 
paigns uniting  all  our  forces  in  common  resistance  to  these  allied  destroyers 
of  mankind — war  and  fascism. 


Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  Nos.  16  and  17 
(Fight,  February  1936,  p.  6;  March  1936,  p.  14') 

Action 

The  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  invites  all  organizations  and 
persons  who  desire  to  defeat  these  two  allied  enemies  of  mankind — war  and 
fascism — to  unite  in  carrying  out  the  following  program  : 

1.  To  work  toward  the  stopping  of  the  manufacture  and  transport  of  munitions 
in  time  of  peace  or  war,  and  in  time  of  war  the  transport  of  all  other  materials 
essential  to  the  conduct  of  war,  through  mass  demonstrations,  picketing,  and 
strikes;  and  to  enlist  the  professional  classes  in  educational  propaganda  against 
war  and  for  participation  with  woi'kers  and  farmers  in  antiwar  actions. 

2.  To  expose  at  every  point  the  extensive  preparations  for  war  being  carried 
on  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  (a)  under  the  guise  of  "national 
defense"  and  (ft)  by  diversion  to  war  preparations  funds  for  relief  projects  and 
public  works ;  to  demand  that  relief  funds  he  spent  only  in  constructive  work  or 
for  adequate  relief,  and  that  the  huge  additional  budgets  now  being  spent  in 
preparation  for  war  be  transferred  to  the  extension  of  health  and  education. 

3.  To  resist  the  increasing  militarization  of  youth  in  schools,  CCO,  and  CMTC 
camps,  and  the  use  of  their  dependence  upon  relief  to  get  them  into  the  Armed 
Forces. 

4.  To  demand  total  and  universal  disarmament,  as  proposed  by  the  Soviet 
Union  to  the  League  of  Nations,  and  to  support  all  measures  that  move  clearly 
toward  that  goal. 

5.  To  demand  that  neutrality  legislation  effectively  cover  all  war  supplies, 
loans,  and  credits,  and  permit  no  discretion  to  the  President ;  more  particularly,  to 
promote  and  support  refusal  of  workers  to  handle  all  materials  of  war ;  to 
organize  and  support  public  condemnation  of  those  who  seek  profit  from  the  sale 
of  war  materials  and  war  loans ;  to  organize  mass  support  for  every  effort, 
national  or  international,  which,  in  our  judgment,  as  occasion  arises,  is  directed 
toward  postponing,  restricting,  or  shortening  war. 

6.  To  oppose  the  policies  of  American  imperialism  in  Latin  America,  the  Far 
East,  and  throughout  the  world  ;  to  give  the  support  of  our  protests  and  demands 
to  all  peoples  who  are  resisting  exploitation,  aggression,  and  suppression  by 
imperialist  powers;  to  those  in  all  lands  who  struggle  against  the  war  measures 
and  Fascist  policies  of  their  own  governments,  and  to  all  who  suffer  under  the 
Fascist  state. 

7.  To  demonstrate  constantly  the  relationship  between  war  and  fascism ;  to 
expose  and  counteract  Fascist  propaganda,  both  foreign  and  native;  to  prevent 
the  formation  of  Fascist  forces  in  this  country. 


1  Text  of  exhibits  16  and  17  are  identical. 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2197 

8.  To  oppose  all  developments  leading  to  fascism,  particularly  the  increasingly 
widespread  use  of  armed  forces  and  vigilante  terrorism  against  workers,  unem- 
ployed, farmers,  Negroes,  and  other  racial  minorities,  who  are  exercising  their 
constitutional  rights  to  protest  against  unbearable  conditions  and  to  organize 
for  their  own  advancement. 

9.  To  resist  the  attempts  of  our  American  Fascists  to  destroy  by  legislation, 
Executive  order,  judicial  decree,  or  lawless  action,  our  guaranteed  civil  rights 
of  free  speech,  free  press,  free  assembly,  the  right  to  organize,  picket,  and  dem- 
onstrate; and  further  to  resist  all  forms  of  discrimination  against  foreign-born 
based  on  their  political  or  labor  activities. 

10.  To  oppose  all  legislation  or  orders  denying  citizens  in  the  Armed  Forces 
their  constitutional  right  to  receive  printed  matter  or  personal  appeals  in  behalf 
of  this  or  any  other  program  designed  to  secure  peace,  freedom,  and  justice; 
and  to  defend  their  right  to  join  organizations  on  the  same  basis  as  other  citizens. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  when  you  listed  a  short  time  ago  in  the 
record  this  afternoon  a  group  of  names  of  members  of  the  national 
executive  committee  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fas- 
cism, you  included  one  Winifred  Chappell.  Did  you  know  Winifred 
Chappell  personally  ? 

Mr.  JoHNSOisr.  Yes.  Winifred  Chappell  was  a  Communist,  and  at 
the  same  time  she  was  secretary  of  the  Methodist  Federation  for  So- 
cial Service.  Now,  in  Fight  magazine,  June  1934,  on  page  15,  she 
wrote  an  article,  and  I  quote : 

Japan's  competitive  exports. 

I  won't  read  the  entire  article.  I  only  wish  to  quote  the  last  para- 
graph of  the  article.    She  wrote : 

Events  of  April  and  May  have  suddenly  made  this  trade  war  into  front-page 
news.  It  is  an  unconcluded  serial  story  (intertwined  with  the  lagertail  of  ri- 
valry between  two  economic  assistants  for  the  Soviet  Union  and  the  Soviet 
part  of  Cliina  are  also  in  the  picture),  the  last  chapter  of  which  will  be  war, 
unless  the  workers  who  now  make  the  competitive  goods  join  in  one  mass  war 
refusal  and  then  in  a  joyful  international  Soviet  to  supply  their  own  and  each 
other's  needs. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  You  say  she  was  secretary  of  the  Methodist  Federa- 
tion at  the  time  she  wrote  that  article? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right.  She  is  calling  for  an  international 
Soviet  government. 

jNIr.  ScHERER.  Did  she  write  that  as  a  Communist  or  as  the  secre- 
tary^ of  the  Methodist  Federation,  or  just  under  her  own  name? 

Mr.  Johnson.  She  wrote  this  as  secretary  of  the  Methodist  Fed- 
eration for  Social  Service. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Where  did  you  say  that  was  published? 

Mr.  Johnson.  In  Fight  magazine,  June  1934. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Was  she  a  member  of  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fiscism? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  And  you  knew  her  as  a  Communist? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  So  in  a  sense  in  the  person  of  Winifred  Chappell,  the 
Communist  Party,  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism, 
and  the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Service  were  all  blended  into 
one? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Can  you  explain,  if  it  lies  within  your  knowledge, 
why  the  Methodist  Federation  did  not  expel  her  immediately  from 
its  ranks  ? 


2198         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Service  did 
not  expel  her,  because  the  program  of  the  Methodist  Federation  for 
Social  Service  calls  for  the  Soviet  form  of  government. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Who  was  the  chairman  at  that  time  of  the  Methodist 
Federation  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Harry  F.  Ward. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  At  that  very  time? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  am  sure  he  was  chairman  in  1934. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Is  that  the  same  Harry  F.  Ward  who  was  also  chair- 
man of  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  that  is  right. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  The  same  one  you  have  identified  as  a  Communist? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Then  the  Methodist  Federation  had  at  least  two  prin- 
cipal officers  who  were  not  only  members  of  the  Methodist  Federation 
for  Social  Service  but  also  members  of  the  Communist  Party,  to  your 
personal  knowledge  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Scherer.  May  I  ask  one  more  question  of  the  witness,  Mr. 
Counsel  ? 

Was  Winifred  Chappell  also  an  active  member  of  the  Methodist 
Church  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  she  was. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Is  that  the  same  Winifred  Chappell  who  wrote  the 
article  that  youth  of  America  should  not  yield  to  conscription  and 
should  not  fight  if  they  actually  were  conscripted  in  any  United  States 
Army  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  she  is  one  and  the  same. 

Mr.  Scherer.  How  long  did  she  remain  secretary  of  the  Methodist 
Federation  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  She  was  active,  to  my  knowledge,  many  years,  the 
exact  number  I  do  not  know  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Scherer.  What  is  the  date  of  this  article  ? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  June  1934. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Mr.  Johnson,  do  you  know  of  any  other  person  who 
was  an  officer  of  the  Methodist  Federation  at  any  time  who  was  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  the  Reverend  Jack  McMichael  was  a  member 
of  the  Methodist  Federation. 

I  understand  that  he  did  attend  and  graduate  from  a  divinity  school. 

Mr.  Scherer.  What  was  his  connection  with  the  Methodist  Federa- 
tion ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  was  executive  secretary  of  the  Methodist  Federa- 
tion for  Social  Action  up  until  1953. 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  I  note  you  say  the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social 
Action,  whereas  a  moment  ago  you  were  referring  to  it  as  the  Federa- 
tion for  Social  Service.  Could  you  clarify  that  point  and  explain 
just  what  those  two  organizations  were? 

Mr.  Johnson.  They  are  one  and  the  same  organization.  It  is  just 
a  change  of  names.  It  was  first  called  the  Methodist  Federation  for 
Social  Service,  and  later  it  changed  its  name  to  the  Methodist  Federa- 
tion for  Social  Action. 

Mr.  Scherer.  How  did  you  know  that  Reverend  McMichael  was  a 
Communist  ? 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN   THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2199 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  durin^^  the  period  that  I  was  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party,  during  the  thii-ties,  Jack  McMichael  was  a  member 
of  the  National  Connnittee  of  the  Youn<T  Communist  League,  and 
he  was  also  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  from  time  to  time 
he  met  with  the  now  fugitive  Communist,  (Jilbert  Green,  who  was 
head  of  the  Young  Communist  League  at  that  time,  and  he  attended 
occasionally  meetings  of  the  national  committee  of  the  Connnunist 
Party  with  Gilbert  Green. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Was  Reverend  McMichael  still  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  when  you  left  the  party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  he  was. 

Mr.  ScHERER.  Mr.  Counsel,  the  interrogation  of  this  witness  will 
be  continued  at  a  later  date  in  Washington. 

Mr.  Johnson,  you  will  be  notified  as  to  when  it  will  be.  necessary  for 
you  to  appear.  The  committee  will  now  recess  pending  the  call  of 
the  Chair. 

(Whereupon,  the  subcommittee  proceeded  with  the  consideration  of 
other  matters  of  concern  to  the  committee,  after  which  it  adjourned, 
pending  the  call  of  the  Chair.  The  committee  continued  its  inter- 
rogation of  Manning  Johnson  on  July  13,  1953,  and  will  be  printed 
in  Investigation  of  Communist  Activities  in  the  New  York  City  Area — 
Parts.) 

X 


BOSTON  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


3  9999  05018  396  9 


INVESTIGATION  OF  COMMUNIST  ACTIVITIES  IN  THE 
NEW  YORK  CITY  AREA-Part  8 

(BASED  ON  TESTIMONY  OF  MANNING  JOHNSON) 


HEARINGS 


,,„    ,,,  BEFORE  THE 


COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 
.w^^--  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 


EIGHTY-THIRD  CONGRESS 

FIRST  SESSION 


JULY  13  AND  14,  1953 


Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 


INCLUDING  INDEX 


UNITED  STATES 
<;<t\  lOUXMENT  PRINTING   OFFICE 
33909  WASHINGTON  :  1953 


r 

0\ 


Boston  Public  Library 
Superintendent  of  Documents 

OCT  7  - 1953 


COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 

United  States  House  of  Representatives 
HAROLD  H.  VELDE,  Illinois,  Chairman 


BERNARD  W.  KEARNEY,  New  York 
DONALD  L.  JACKSON,  California 
KIT  CLARDY,  Michigan 
GORDON  H.  SCHERER,  Ohio 


FRANCIS  E.  WALTER,  Pennsylvania 
MORGAN  M.  MOULDER,  Missouri 
CLYDE  DOYLE,  California 
JAMES  B.  FRAZIER,  JE.,  Tennessee 


Robert  L.  Kdnzig,  Counsel 

Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  Counsel 

Louis  J.  Russell,  Chief  Investigator 

Thomas  W.  Beale,  Sr..  Chief  Clerk 

Raphael  I.  Nixon,  Director  of  Research 


u 


CONTENTS 


Page 
Testimony  of  Manning  Johnson  (resumed) 2201 

Manning  Johnson  Exliibit  No.  18 — Fight  Magazine,  July  1936,  pages 

5  and  26,  article  entitled,  "I  Make  Shells,"  by  George  Roberts 2203 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  19 — Daily  Worker,  February  17,  1953, 
pages  1  and  6,  article  headed,  "2,300  Clergymen  Ask  Talks  with 
Eisenhower" 2215 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  20 — International  of  Youth,  March 
1935,  pages  25  and  26,  excerpt  from  article  entitled  "Full  Speed 
Ahead,"  by  Gilbert  Green 2222 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  21 — Daily  Worker,  May  7,  1953, 
page  7,  article  headed,  "Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward's  Achievements  Re- 
counted at  Dinner  in  His  Honor" 2228 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  22 — The  Protestant  Digest,  April  1939, 
pages  61-03,  article  entitled  "United  Christian  Council  for 
Democracy" 2231 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  23 — The  Protestant  Digest,  December 
1938,  article  entitled,  "Bill  Spofford  Hails  United  Front,"  by 
William  B.  Spofford,  reprinted  from  The  Witness,  September  22, 
1938 2236 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  24 — The  Protestant,  April-May,  1942, 
pages  52-55,  excerpts  from  article  entitled  "Spirituality  and  Marx," 
by  David  Easton 2237 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  25 — The  Protestant  Digest,  January 
1940,  pages  68-73,  article  entitled  "Toward  a  Democratic  Peace," 
by  Harry  F.  Ward 2239 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  26 — The  Protestant,  October-Novem- 
ber 1942,  pages  47-50,  Two  Speeches,  by  Kenneth  Leslie 2243 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  27 — -The  Protestant,  June- July  1942, 
page  4,  article  entitled  "Whose  Property  Is  This  War?"  by  Kenneth 
Leslie 2245 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  28 — The  Protestant,  December- 
January,  1942,  pages  2  and  3,  article  entitled  "God's  Red  Army"..     2246 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  29 — The  Protestant,  April  1939,  pages 
57  and  58,  excerpt  from  article  entitled  "Why  Not  Be  Fair  to  the 
Soviet  Union?"  by  Jerome  Davis 2247 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  30 — The  Protestant,  October-Novem- 
ber 1942,  pages  38  and  39,  article  entitled  "Meditation  at  Mur- 
mansk," and  letter  addressed,  "Dear  Christ,"  by  Daniel  James 2248 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  31 — The  Protestant,  October-Novem- 
ber 1941,  pages  10  and  11,  article  entitled  "Poison  Well  and  the 
Dean's  Book" 2250 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  32 — The  Protestant,  October-Novem- 
ber 1941,  pages  105  and  106,  letter  to  the  editor,  by  Anna  Louise 
Strong 2250 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  33 — The  Protestant,  Januarj'-February- 

March  1950,  pages  4-6 2251 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  34. — The  Protestant,  October- 
November  1941,  pages  66-75,  condensed  version  of  article  entitled 
"God  and  Starvation— A  True  Story."  by  Cedric  Belfrage 2256 

Manning  Johnson   Exhibit   No.   35 — ^Daily    Worker,   July    10,    1953, 

page  5,  cartoon  and  editorial  entitled  "Freedom  of  Religion" 2262 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  36 — People's  Institute  of  Applied 
Religion,  letterhead  dated  April  9,  1942,  containing  officers,  and 
international  board  and  sponsors  of  that  organization 2264 

III 


IV  CONTENTS 

Testimony  of — Continued.  Page 
Manning    Johnson    Exhibit    Xo.    37 — Young    Communist    Review, 
September  1938,  pages  8-10,  article  entitled  "A  Communist  Dis- 
cusses Christianity,"  by  Raymond  Guyot 2267 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  38 — Daily  Worker,  January  15,  1953, 
page    8,    article    headed,    "161    Protestant    Church    Leaders    Ask 

Truman  To  Amnesty  Communist  11" 2270 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  39 — Daily  Worker,  January  14,  1953, 
pages  1  and  6,  article  headed,  "1,500  Protestant  Pastors  Ask  Truman 

To  Save  Refugees" 2273 

Statement  of  Hoyt  S.  Haddock 2280 

Index  to  Investigation  of  Communist  Activities  in  the  New  York  City 

Area— Parts  5-8 2283 


Public  Law  601,  T9th  Congress 

Tlie  legislation  under  wliieli  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  operates  is  Public  Law  601,  79tli  Congress  [1946],  chapter 
753,  2d  session,  which  provides: 

Be  it  enacted  hi/  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  Congress  assembled,    *    *    * 

PART  2— RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

Rui^  X 

SEC.  121.  STANDING  COMMITTEES 
******* 

17.  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  to  consist  of  nine  members. 

Rule  XI 

POWERS  AND  DUTIES  OF  COMMITTEES 


(q)    (1)    Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

(A)   Un-American  activities. 

(2)  The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  as  a  whole  or  by  subcommit- 
tee, is  authorized  to  malie  from  time  to  time  investigations  of  (i)  the  extent, 
character,  and  objects  of  un-American  propaganda  activities  in  the  United  States, 
(ii)  the  diffusion  within  the  United  States  of  subversive  and  un-American  propa- 
ganda that  is  instigated  from  foreign  countries  or  of  a  domestic  origin  and  attacks 
the  principle  of  the  form  of  government  as  guaranteed  by  our  Constitution,  and 
(iii)  all  other  questions  in  relation  thereto  that  would  aid  Congress  in  any  neces- 
sary remedial  legislation. 

The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  shall  report  to  the  House  (or  to  the 
Clerk  of  the  House  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  the  results  of  any  such  in- 
vestigation, together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  any  such  investigation,  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  or  any  subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  at  such 
times  and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  or  not  the  House  is  sitting, 
has  recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  such  hearings,  to  require  the  attendance 
of  such  witnesses  and  the  production  of  such  books,  papers,  and  documents,  and 
to  take  such  testimony  as  it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under  the 
signature  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  subcommittee,  or  by  any 
member  designated  by  any  such  chairman,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person 
designated  by  any  such  chairman  or  member. 


RULES  ADOPTED  BY  THE  S3d  CONGRESS 

House  Resolution  5,  January  3,  1953 
******* 

Rule  X 

STANDING   COMMITTEES 

1.  There  shall  be  elected  by  the  House,  at  the  commencement  of  each  Congress, 
the  following  standing  committees  : 

******* 

(q)   Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  to  consist  of  nine  members. 
******* 

Rule  XI 

POWERS    AND   DUTIES   OF   COMMITTEES 
******* 

17.  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

(a)  Un-American  Activities. 

(b)  The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  as  a  whole  or  by  subcommittee, 
is  authorized  to  make  from  time  to  time,  investigations  of  (1)  the  extent,  char- 
acter, and  objects  of  un-American  propaganda  activities  in  the  United  States; 
(2)  the  diffusion  within  the  United  States  of  subversive  and  un-American  propa- 
ganda that  is  instigated  from  foreign  countries  or  of  a  domestic  origin  and 
attacks  the  principle  of  the  form  of  government  as  guaranteed  by  our  Constitu- 
tion;  and  (3)  all  other  questions  in  relation  thereto  that  would  aid  Congress 
in  any  necessary  remedial  legislation. 

The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  shall  report  to  the  House  (or  to 
the  Clerk  of  the  House  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  the  results  of  any  such 
investigation,  together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  any  such  investigation,  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  or  any  subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  at  such  times 
and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  or  not  the  House  is  sitting,  has 
recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  such  hearings,  to  require  the  attendance  of 
such  witnesses  and  the  production  of  such  books,  papers,  and  documents,  and  to 
take  such  testimony,  as  it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under  the 
signature  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  subcommittee,  or  by  any 
member  designated  by  such  chairman,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person  designated 
by  any  such  chairman  or  member. 


INVESTIGATION  OF  COMMUNIST  ACTIVITIES  IN  THE 
NEW  YORK  CITY  AREA— PART  8 

(Based  ou  Testimony  of  Manning  Johnson) 


MONDAY,   JULY   13,    1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee 

ON  Un-American  Activities. 

Washington,  D.  G. 
EXECUTI^^  session  ^ 

The  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
met,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  at  10 :  49  a.  m.,  in  room  225-A,  Old 
House  Office  Building,  Washington,  D.  C,  Hon.  Kit  Clardy  presiding. 

Committee  members  present:  Representatives  Kit  Clardy,  Clyde 
Dojde  (appearance  noted  in  transcript),  and  James  B.  Frazier,  Jr. 
(appearance  noted  in  transcript). 

Staff  members  present:  Robert  L.  Kunzig,  counsel;  Leslie  Scott, 
research  analj^st;  George  E.  Cooper,  investigator;  and  Mrs.  Juliette 
Joray,  acting  clerk. 

Mr.  Clardy.  The  hearing  will  be  in  order. 

Let  the  record  show  that  the  chairman  has  appointed  a  subcom- 
mittee of  Mr.  Clardy,  Mr.  Doyle,  and  Mr.  Frazier  for  the  purpose 
of  continuing  this  hearing. 

Are  you  ready  to  proceed,  Mr.  Comisel  ? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  am,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  us  take  up  where  we  left  off  in  New  York. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Off  the  record. 

TESTIMONY  OF  MANNING  JOHNSON— Kesimed 

Mr.  KuxziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  could  you  give  us  further  detailed  testi- 
monj'  about  the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Service  which,  I 
understand,  later  changed  its  name  to  the  Methodist  Federation  for 
Social  Action? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Sei-vice  or  the 
Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Action,  headed  by  Rev.  Harry  F. 
Ward,  whom  I  have  already  identified  as  a  party  member,  was  in- 
valuable to  the  Communist  Party  in  its  united-front  organizations 
and  campaigns.  It  was  invaluable  because  through  it  the  party  was 
able  to  get  contact  with  thousands  of  ministers  all  over  the  country. 


^  Released  by  the  full  committee.  Although  this  testimony  was  taken  in  Washing:ton, 
D.  C,  it  follows  the  earlier  appearance  of  Manning  Johnson  before  a  subcommittee  which 
was  sitting  in  New  York  City.  For  the  purpose  of  continuity,  this  is  printed  under  same 
title. 

2201 


2202         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Mr.  KuNziG.  How  do  you  mean  that? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Through  the  affiliation  of  ministers  to  the  Methodist 
Federation  for  Social  Service  or  Social  Action. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mean  they  could  contact  ministers  who  had  not 
the  slightest  idea  about  the  sinister  purposes  and  background  of  what 
they  were  trying  to  do  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct.  They  had  the  contact,  a  wealth  of 
contact,  established  and  built  up  over  the  years  with  ministers  in  every 
section  of  the  country  who  were  easily  and  quickly  involved  in  various 
united-front  activities,  consequently  giving  these  Communist-front 
movements  an  aura  of  respectability  the  like  of  which  they  could  not 
get  except  for  the  tremendous  amount  of  faith  people  have  in  religion 
and  the  church. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mrs.  Bella  Dodd  testified  before  this  committee  a  few 
weeks  ago  to  the  effect  that  from  her  personal  knowledge  w^hen  she 
was  one  of  the  leading  Communists  in  New  York,  they  had  various, 
what  she  called,  sucker  lists  of  distinguished  citizens,  scientists,  and 
professional  people  throughout  the  country  whom  they  used  when- 
ever they  needed  distinguished  fronts  to  cover  up  their  purposes. 
These  people  did  not  know  what  their  names  were  being  used  for.  Is 
the  testimony  that  you  are  giving  with  regard  to  these  ministers  an 
identically  similar  situation  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  only  with  this  exception,  that  there  were  a  num- 
ber of  ministers  who  actually  knew  what  they  were  doing. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  interrupt  to  correct  you,  Mr.  Kunzig? 

Mrs.  Dodd  did  not  go  quite  that  far.  She  indicated  that  some  of 
them  did  know  the  score,  but  that  the  vast  majority  of  them  probably 
did  not.  In  other  words,  there  were  a  few,  just  as  the  witness  has  indi- 
cated, who  did  know  definitely  that  they  were  lending  themselves  to 
Communist  purposes,  but  most  of  them  did  not. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  might  add  that  quite  a  few  ministers,  for  example, 
participated  in  the  united  front  known  as  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism,  and  it  was  later  called  the  American  League 
for  Peace  and  Democracy,  in  which  many  ministers  were  involved. 
In  fact,  they  were  so  deeply  involved  through  Harry  F.  Ward,  that 
they  became  the  spokesmen,  the  advocates,  the  builders,  and  the  lead- 
ers of  this  most  important  Communist  front  that  engaged  in  every- 
thing from  simple  assault  on  a  government  to  espionage,  sabotage,  and 
the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Can  you  give  some  specific  examples  of  this,  please? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes.  I  have  before  me  an  article  in  the  Fight  maga- 
zine. Fight  magazine  was  a  publication  of  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism,  and  later  the  American  League  for  Peace 
and  Democracy.  It  is  an  article  written  by  George  Roberts;  the 
subject,  I  Make  Shells.     He  asks  the  following  questions: 

Are  we  prepared  for  an  offensive  war,  or  are  we  merely  maintaining  defensive 
forces?     A  munitions  worker  gives  inside  information  on  naval  armaments. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  What  is  the  date  of  this  article,  Mr.  Johnson? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  date  of  this  article  is  July  1936.  The  author  of 
this  article  gives  specifically  to  a  Communist  publication  that  is  sent 
to  Moscow  definite  specifications  of  types  and  kinds  of  munitions,  not 
only  shells,  but  submarine  periscopes  and  other  munitions.  He  also 
gives  quantities,  increases  in  production  over  previous  years.  In  short, 
he  gives  information  that  is  invaluable  to  Soviet  military  intelligence. 


COMJMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2203 

Mr.  Clardy.  Looking  that  article  over,  witness,  it  appears  to  me 
that  the  type  of  material  tliat  is  contained  is  something  that  would  be 
known  either  to  tlio  Govei'innent  or  to  the  person  or  firm  entering  into 
the  contract.  It  does  not  appear  to  be  the  type  of  information  that 
would  normally  be  broadcast. 

I  wonder  if  you  have  any  information  about  the  identity  of  the  fel- 
low who  wrote  that,  any  suggestion  to  make  as  to  how  he  would  come 
in  |)ossession  of  tliat  information? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  could  only  say  this,  that  the  author,  George  Roberts, 
evidently  was  in  a  sensitive  spot  in  this  particular  munitions  plant. 
I  do  not  knoAv  him  personally,  and  I  could  not  sa.y  that  he  is  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Connnunist  Party.  He  could  either  be  a  Communist,  or 
he  could  be  a  fellow  who  thought  that  by  giving  this  information  that 
eventually  will  reach  Russia  in  a  roundabout  way  or  direct  way,  that 
he  was  aiding  the  cause  of  peace  and  democracy,  and  that  is  the  danger 
of  these  Communist-front  organizations,  in  that  they  sell  Americans 
on  an  ideal,  which,  of  course,  they  use  for  other  purposes,  for  their 
evil  purposes. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  this  document  now  in  my  hand. 
It  is  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  18,"  and  I  offer  it,  sir, 
into  evidence  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article  from  Fight  magazine  of  July  193G,  entitled  "I  Make 
Shells,"  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  18.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  IS 

(Fight,  July  1936,  pp.  5  and  26) 
I  Make  Shells 

ARE  WE  PREPARING  FOR  AN  OFFENSIVE  WAR?  OR  ARE  \^'E  MERELY  MAINTAINING  DE- 
FENSIVE FORCES? — A  MUNITIONS  WORKER  GIVES  INSIDE  INFORMATION  ON  NAVAI. 
ARMAMENTS 

By  George  Roberts 
Illustrated  by  H.  J.  Gllntenkamp 

I  am  a  munitions  worker.  I  spend  S  hours  out  of  every  working  day 
helping  to  make  shells  and  cannon  ordered  by  the  United  States  Navy.  For 
almost  a  year,  I  have  been  employed  in  a  New  Jersey  steel  mill,  whose  chief 
concern  today  is  the  filling  of  those  orders.  There  are  six  or  seven  hundred 
of  us,  working  in  three  shifts,  night  and  day,  getting  those  shells  ready  to  be 
shipped  to  the  arsenals  where  they  are  painted,  gTeased,  and  boxed,  and  getting 
the  cannon  ready  to  be  sent  away  to  be  rifled.  We  who  make  these  death 
dealers  are  fully  three-quarters  of  all  the  men  employed  in  the  mill. 

There  was  a  time  when  this  place  where  I  work  was  just  a  high-grade  mill, 
turning  out  steel  for  tools,  razor  blades,  and  other  needs  of  civic  existence  that 
called  for  the  finest  quality  of  steel.  But  that  was  a  good  many  years  ago — 
before  191.5,  to  be  exact.  Then  a  large  order  for  shells  from  Great  Britain 
changed  all  that.     Our  country  was  "neutral,"  to  be  sure,  but  business  is  business. 

"Keeping  Us  Out  of  War" 

Two  large  ordnance  buildings  were  added  to  the  plant.  These  buildings,  by 
the  way,  in  this  country  where  an  insuflieiency  of  school  buildings  was  then  and 
still  is  a  vexing  problem,  cost  a  couple  of  million  apiece. 

It  wasn't  long  after  that,  of  course,  that  the  United  States  began  ordering 
shells,  too.  They  had  been  using  a  very  neat  slogan  about  keeping  us  out  of 
war,  for  presidential  campaigning ;  and  since  the  public  didn't  know  the  politi- 
cians had  their  tongues  in  their  cheeks  as  they  said  it,  it  put  the  campaign  for 


2204         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

President  Wilson  over  with  a  bang.  And  then  suddenly  it  developed  that  we 
were  called  upon  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy ;  and  it  seemed  that 
those  in  power  must  have  suspected  it  all  along,  because  this  mill  where  I  work 
now,  and  no  doubt  a  lot  of  other  steel  mills,  had  been  filling  United  States  orders 
for  shells  for  some  time. 

Once  they  got  fairly  started,  and  out  in  the  open,  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment made  an  arrangement  with  the  mill  to  pay  for  all  the  machines  employed 
in  munitions  manufacture,  with  the  agreement  that  it  might  remove  or  leave 
them,  as  it  chose.  But  by  the  time  the  armistice  came,  they  had  been  used  sa 
much  that  they  were  too  worn  out  to  be  worth  moving. 

There  followed  a  number  of  years  when  the  shops  stood  idle.  Then  in  1926, 
they  were  used  to  repair  locomotives.  That  was  because  a  strike,  known  in 
labor  annals  as  the  "shopcrafts  strike,"  was  in  progress,  with  machinists,  boiler- 
makers,  etc.,  in  the  railroad  shops  all  out.  In  other  words,  these  steel  mill 
shops  acted  as  strikebreakers,  or  "scabs,"  in  the  company's  interest. 

It  was  about  a  year  later  that  they  started  making  shells  again;  shells  for 
target  practice  and  the  like.  Then  in  1928  came  a  government  order  for  8-inch 
shells;  in  1930-1,  orders  for  5-inch  shells;  and  from  1932  on,  orders  of  such 
increasing  size  and  frequency  that  by  now  they  are  almost  more  than  the  company 
can  handle,  and  we  work,  as  I  said  before,  in  three  steady  shifts  that  keep 
going  night  and  day. 

The  shells  we  make  are  for  the  Navy  only,  and  our  munitions  shops  are  under 
the  control  and  constant  supervision  of  Navy  officials.  Their  inspectors  are  on 
the  .iob  all  the  time,  to  be  sure  that  nothing  is  slipped  through  that  isn't  entirely 
up  to  standard.  And  "standard"  is  a  pretty  exacting  matter  ;  only  the  best  quality 
of  steel  is  admissible,  the  same  as  is  used  in  the  finest  tools.  This  steel  is  kneaded 
in  huge  ma.sses ;  the  process  is  like  a  baker  kneading  dough.  Only  dough  is 
intended  to  preserve  life,  whereas  this  steel  doesn't  get  by  unless  it  is  quite 
certain  to  be  unfailingly  destructive.  It  must  be  made  hard  enough  to  pierce 
armor.  All  steel  is  rigoi'ously  tested  for  such  hardness  before  it  is  used,  and 
rejected  if  it  doesn't  pass  the  test.  It  is  rumored  that  the  government  vises  a 
special  armor,  made  by  a  formula  obtained  from  Germany,  for  testing  shells. 

Long-Range  Preparedness 

The  number  of  orders  now  on  hand  for  a  navy  whose  purpose  is  purely  defense, 
if  we  are  to  believe  what  we  are  told,  is,  to  say  the  least,  startling.  An  order 
for  Model  A  6-inch  shells  that  started  at  8,000  was  soon  raised  to  14,000,  and 
then  speedily  to  17,000,  where  it  now  stands. 

We  are  also  filling  an  order  for  2,900  Model  B  6-inch  shells,  and  for  25,000 
Model  A  5-inch  shells.  We  are  making  24,000  5-inch  antiaircraft  shells ;  and 
there  is  an  order  on  hand,  filling  of  which  has  not  yet  started,  for  25,000  star 
shells,  5-inch.  These  are  for  lighting  up  the  sky,  each  being  fitted  with  a  para- 
chute and  a  flare. 

Not  the  least  significant  of  our  orders,  from  the  point  of  view  of  war  prepara- 
tion, is  that  which  calls  for  more  than  2,000  14-inch  shells  (the  order  is  expected 
to  reach  an  ultimate  total  of  6,000)  ;  and  a  shop  that  has  been  out  of  use  since 
the  War  is  being  specially  equipped  to  take  care  of  it.  It  must  be  remembered, 
in  considering  some  of  these  figures,  that  the  largest  battleship  has  12  guns,  so 
that  only  12  shots  can  be  fired  at  a  time. 

But  the  largest  order  of  all  is  for  79,000  8-inch  shells ;  and  when  you  consider 
that  it  takes  a  month  to  make  a  thousand,  you  can't  have  very  much  doubt  about 
the  long-range  intentions  of  those  placing  the  order. 

These  8-inch  shells,  during  the  last  war,  sold  for  $846  apiece,  though  what 
price  destruction  in  taxpayers'  money  now,  I  do  not  know.  But  whatever  it  is, 
it  represents  an  enormous  profit  to  the  manufacturer.  The  Model  A  6-inch 
shells  I  mentioned  are  sold  to  the  Government  for  more  than  $200  each,  and 
cost  less  than  $15  to  make ;  and  the  Model  A  5-inch  qost  about  $0.50  to  make, 
while  the  Government,  that  is,  the  taxpayers,  pays  $22.50  for  each.  War  is  an 
excellent  business — for  some  of  the  people  concerned  with  it. 

We  are  also  making  14  periscopes  for  submarines,  each  to  cost  $40,000,  and  a 
miscellaneous  assortment  of  other  war  equipment,  such  as :  150  5-inch  cannon 
(an  increase  of  25  over  last  year's  order),  long  and  short  range;  antiaircraft 
guns  of  the  rapid-fire  type,  discharging  one-pound  shells ;  and  torpedo  caps  for 
submarines  or  destroyers. 

The  munitions  workers  have  a  genei'al  idea  of  whither  it  is  all  pointing ;  and 
though  they  are  not  friendly  to  the  idea  of  war — "more  of  those  goddam  shells," 


COMMUNIST   ACTR^TIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2205 

they  say — on  the  other  hand,  they  are  not  actively  against  it.  They  are  deplor- 
ably apathetic  about  this  important  issue,  concentrating  whatever  resentment 
they  have  upon  the  fact  that  they  are  unfairly  dealt  with  in  the  matter  of  wa^es. 
They  are  aware  of  the  big  profits  that  the  company  is  making,  and  see,  in  contrast, 
the  smallness  of  their  wages,  even  though,  in  comparison  with  those  of  the  non- 
ordnance  workers  in  the  mill,  they  might  be  considered  "good."  Here  is  the 
schedule  for  munitions  workers : 


Hour 

Day 

Highly  skilled  labor 

Cents 
63 

5m 

$5.  0 1 
4  36 

Semiskilled  labor 

Unskilled  labor... 

3  24 

The  w'ork  is  supposed  to  be  done  in  a  5-day  week,  but  sometimes  there  is  ai 
sixth  day,  even  at  times  Sunday.  For  such  overtime,  however,  there  are  no 
overtime  rates. 

Sometimes  there  is  work  which  calls  for  special  effort,  and  for  this  a  bonus 
is  given.  The  good  old-fashioned  method  of  punishing  enemies  and  rewarding 
friends  obtains  here ;  it  is  the  "favorites"  who  get  the  opportunities  to  make  the 
few  extra  dollars. 

The  company  discriminates  against  unionmen.  Several  men  already  employed 
who  tried  to  form  a  local  of  the  regular  union  within  its  walls  were  discharged. 
Another  group  of  men  tried  to  form  an  independent  union ;  these  were  not  dis- 
charged, but  were  given  jobs  so  difficult  that  they  quit  of  their  own  accord.  One 
union,  and  one  only,  is  tolerated :  the  company  union. 

Other  than  union  affiliation,  however,  there  are  no  bars  to  employment.  They 
take  on  men  with  all  sorts  of  disabilities :  old  men,  one-eyed  men,  men  minus  a 
finger  or  two,  young  men  without  experience.  The  company  figures,  quite  logi- 
cally, that  these  people  won't  kick  against  the  low  wages. 

Preparing  a  Naval  War 

As  I  said  before,  the  machinery  was  so  worn  out  after  the  War  that  the  Gov- 
ernment gave  up  its  right  under  agreement  to  take  it ;  and  around  1930  the  com- 
pany sold  it  for  junk.  But  before  the  purchasers  removed  it  orders  for  muni- 
tions started  coming  in  so  thick  and  fast  that  the  company  bought  it  back.  But 
though  it  is  being  used,  it  really  is  junk,  and  the  company,  finding  it  inadequate, 
is  now  buying  new  machines.  They  have  installed  thre€  automatic  turning  lathes 
that  cost  $15,000  each  and  two  threading  machines  that  cost  $10,000  each.  In 
addition,  there  is  a  reaming  machine  that  can  ream  200  shells  per  day. 

One  would  have  to  be  blind  not  to  see  in  all  this  the  preparation  for  a  naval 
war.  All  of  these  shells  are  the  type  used  in  attack.  And  anyone  in  sympathy 
with  the  world  struggle  for  peace  must  be  dismayed  at  this  inside  view  of  what  is 
going  on.  Before  I  came  to  this  job  I  worked  in  a  shipyard,  and  I  saw  there, 
too,  how  everything  is  planned  with  a  view  to  ready  conversion  for  war  purposes 
when  needed. 

Antiwar  Education  Needed 

I  think  that  as  many  people  as  possible  should  be  made  aware  of  all  that  is 
being  prepared  for  them.  I  think  they  ought  to  be  warned  not  to  be  taken  in 
by  the  next  batch  of  slogans  dished  out  to  them,  and  not  to  let  the  warmaker^ 
put  over  the  idea  that  it  is  some  sudden  and  unforeseen  crisis  like  the  sinking 
of  a  Lvsitania  that  causes  entrance  into  war.  I  think  they  ought  to  know  that 
preparations  for  war,  far  beyond  the  needs  for  defense,  are  going  on  heavily  in 
times  of  peace. 

But  this  is  not  enough.  There  is  work  to  be  done — intensive  work — among 
the  steel-mill  workers  themselves.  If  they  are  dissatisfied  with  their  wages, 
they  must  be  educated  to  know  that  only  strong  collective  action,  such  as  is 
possible  only  through  a  noncompany  union,  is  their  one  hope  of  betterment.  The 
labor  unions  must  get  busy  in  the  munitions  shops,  must  organize  the  workers 
and  force  recognition  from  the  companies. 

There  is  other  educational  work  to  be  done  among  the  munition  workers,  work 
that  delivers  a  special  challenge  to  organizations  like  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism.     The  men  must  be  made  to  understand  what  are  the 


2206         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

real  causes  of  war,  how  war  favors  only  the  interests  of  their  employers  and 
all  other  munitions  manufacturers,  how  cheaply  life  is  held  in  comparison  with 
financial  interests.  They  must  be  made  to  see  what  is  their  place,  as  men  and 
as  workers,  ^n  the  war  situation  that  is  threatening  us.  It  is  up  to  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  to  see  that  these  things  are  made  clear  to 
them.  Nowhere  is  it  more  important  for  the  League  to  send  its  organizers  than 
among  these  men  in  whose  hands  lies  so  much  power  to  aid  or  cripple  war.  And 
it  is  only  through  an  unvarnished  knowledge  of  what  war  is  really  about  that 
they  can  be  expected  rightly  to  make  their  choice. 

Mr.  Clakdy.  I  might  suggest,  Witness,  that  it  is  possible,  is  it  not, 
that  this  name  is  no  more  nor  less  than  an  alias  and  that  the  person  who 
actually  wrote  it  may  have  received  information  from  some  spy  or 
some  Communist  planted  on  the  inside  rather  than  having  the  infor- 
mation directly  himself. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  true.  That  may  be  an  alias,  and  whoever 
the  individual  is  who  wrote  it,  it  shows  that  he  is  not  just  an  ordinary 
worker  in  a  munitions  plant,  because  an  ordinary  worker  would  not 
have  that  type  of  information  available.  He  is  either  in  a  key  sensi- 
tive spot  in  that  plant,  or  he  has  an  organization  inside  amassing  and 
accumulating  the  information  for  such  an  article  as  that. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Of  course  there  is  still  another  possibility  that  just 
occurred  to  me.  It  is  possible  that  the  information  could  have  come 
out  of  Government  files,  too,  through  some  subterranean  source ;  is  it 
not? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  think  so,  because  in  that  article  he  poses  as  a 
munitions  worker  in  a  plant. 

Mr.  Clardy.  He  may  pose  as  that,  but  the  facts  he  has  about  pro- 
duction and  schedules  and  quantities  and  the  other  things  you  men- 
tion, and  which  I  find  in  the  article,  are  obviously  things  that  would 
be  embodied  in  contracts  and  in  correspondence  and  in  other  data  that 
would  be  available  from  the  Government  angle.  I  am  just  wonder- 
ing out  loud  if  it  is  not  possible  that  this  nvdj  be  a  compilation  of 
information  received  from  both  Government  sources  and  from  the 
manufacturer  sources  and  maybe  from  out  in  the  plant,  from  a  number 
of  them. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  that  is  true,  quite  possible. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  was  the  program  of  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  which  later  changed  its  name  to  the 
American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy,  actually  promulgated  by 
the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  it  was. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Would  you  tell  us  how  you  knew  that,  sir? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  know  that  it  was  promoted  by  the  Communist 
Party  because  I  sat  in  the  higher  circles  of  the  Communist  Party  at 
the  time  when  the  formation  of  the  organization  was  discussed,  when 
its  program  was  worked  out  by  the  political  bureau  of  the  Commu- 
ninst  Party  of  the  United  States  and  presented  to  the  first  congress 
against  war  in  the  city  of  New  York  and  approved  by  all  the  dele- 
gates present  at  that  first  congress. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  you  mean  is,  you  are  talking  about  things  you 
know  at  first  hand  and  of  your  own  knowledge  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct.  I  was  a  participant  in  it,  not  only 
as  a  party  member,  but  also  as  a  delegate  to  the  first  congress  of  the 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2207 

(Representative  James  B.  Frazier,  Jr.,  entered  the  hearing  room 
at  this  point.) 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  specific  examples  of  what 
yon  are  telling  us  this  morning.  Mr.  Johnson? 

Mr.  JoiiNsox.  Yes.  I  would  like  to  oiler  for  the  consideration  of 
the  committee  the  minutes  of  the  Chicago  Anti-War  and  Anti-Fascist 
Congress. 

Mr.  KiTNZTo.  What  date? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  The  magazine  is  dated  Xovemher  1934. 
IVIr.  (^LARDY.  What  is  the  magazine? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  The  magazine  Fight,  in  which  as  far  back  as  1934 
this  fi-ont  was  used  to  infiltrate  our  Armed  Forces,  and  actually  had 
representatives  of  the  Armed  Forces  both  in  our  National  Guard  and 
also  in  our  Regular  Army,  and  that  they  participated  in  this  congress 
in  Chicago  at  which  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward  presided  and  in  which  a 
number  of  members  of  our  clergy  participated. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Pause  a  moment.  You  said  that  members  of  the 
Armed  Forces  were  involved  directly. 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  Yes,  sir ;  they  were.  I  was  present  at  that  congi-ess 
in  Chicago  when  these  representatives  of  the  National  Guard  and  the 
United  States  Army  appeared.  They  were  brought  up  to  the  con- 
vention hall  in  cars  and  brought  in  through  a  rear  entrance,  and 
they  wore  masks  over  their  faces,  though  they  were  in  full  dress 
uniform,  and  after  they  had  made  their  speeches  to  the  congress, 
they  were  hurriedly  taken  out  of  the  hall  and  sped  away  in  cars, 
so  that  the  Government  authorities  could  not  discover  their  identity. 

Special  precautions  were  taken  to  prevent  anyone  from  getting 
close  to  them  except  those  who  were  authorized  to  bring  them  to  and 
take  them  from  the  congress  hall. 

Mr.  Clardy.  These  things  you  saw  with  your  own  eyes  ? 

Mr.  JoHXSOx.  Yes,  I  did,  because  I  was  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago 
congress,  and  tliat  was  one  of  the  national  programs  of  the  league, 
the  infiltration  of  the  Armed  Forces,  and  this  is  what  these  ministers 
subscribed  to. 

IVIr.  Doyle.  How  do  you  knoAv  they  were  members  of  the  Armed 
Forces  ? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  They  were  introduced  by  Dr.  Hari-y  F.  Ward,  first, 
and  secondly,  they  were  dressed  in  the  full  regalia  of  men  in  the  armed 
services. 

Mr.  Doyle.  If  they  wore  masks 

Mr.  Joiixsox.  That  was  to  conceal  their  faces. 

JN'Ir.  Doyle.  Were  the  masks  black  or  white  or  red  or  what  color? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  I  do  not  remember  the  color  of  the  masks  at  this 
particular  time,  but  I  know  they  wore  them. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  sort  of  masks  were  they  ? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  Masks  that  covered  their  faces. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Entirely,  or  were  they  hoods  ? 

Mr.  JoHxsoN.  They  were  partial  masks. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  do  you  mean  by  "partial  masks"? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  Well,  a  hood  goes  all  the  way  over  the  head,  falling 
over  the  shoulder. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Did  all  of  them  have  masks? 

Mr.  JoHxsox.  Yes,  those  that  spoke. 


2208         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Mr.  Doyle.  Were  they  all  the  same  color  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  know  the  colors. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Were  they  all  the  same  color? 

Mr.  Johnson.  You  mean  the  masks  ? 

Mr.  Doyle.  Yes. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  a  detail  I  do  not  remember. 

Mr.  Doyle.  A  rather  important  detail;  is  it  not?  Of  course,  it 
was  many  years  ago.  You  could  not  be  expected  to  remember  every- 
thing. Did  any  of  them  appear  on  the  platform  that  did  not  wear 
masks  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  none  of  them  appeared  on  the  platform  that 
did  not. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many  of  them  were  there  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  There  were  a  couple  of  them  there. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many  of  them? 

Mr.  Johnson.  There  were  several  of  them. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many  of  them? 

Mr.  Johnson.  There  were  only 

Mr.  Doyle.  Wliat  do  you  mean  by  "several"?  The  reason  I  am 
asking  you  this  way,  sir,  is  that  you  have  made,  I  think,  a  very  impor- 
tant statement.  I  am  deliberately  examining  you  to  see  the  extent  to 
which  you  remember  what  did  happen  for  our  record. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  the  Congressman  wants  to  know  is,  were  there 
2  or  3  or  half  a  dozen. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  they  had  a  representative  from  the  National 
Guard  who  was  introduced  to  the  congress  by  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward. 
This  representative  of  the  National  Guard  stated  that  he  came  as  a 
]-epresentative  of  a  group  of  guardsmen  from  four  divisions  of  the 
National  Guard  of  the  United  States,  bringing  greetings,  and  he  said 
that  he  was  carrying  on  work  among  the  National  Guard  against 
fascism  by  organizing  antistrikebreaking  groups,  and  then  he  pledged 
to  carry  out  all  the  decisions  of  the  congress. 

After  he  made  this  speech  there  was  tremendous  applause,  and  Dr. 
Harry  F.  Ward  asked  that  the  speaker  not  be  held  up  by  prolonged 
applause,  and  then  after  that  they  introduced 

Mr.  Frazier.  Wait  right  there.  You  say  this  man  had  on  a  uni- 
form. Was  it  the  uniform  of  an  enlisted  man  or  of  a  commissioned 
officer  ? 

Mr.  Thompson.  He  had  the  uniform  of  an  enlisted  man. 

Mr.  Frazier.  All  right. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  To  keep  the  record  straight,  what  congress  is  this  we 
are  talking  about  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  congress  of  the  American  League  Against  War 
and  Fascism  held  in  Chicago. 

Mr.  Doyle.  May  I  ask  this,  was  this  man  in  uniform  a  Negro,  or  do 
3^ou  not  know  ?    I  mean,  don't  you  remember  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  My  best  recollection  is  that  he  was  white. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  what  State  National  Guard  did  he  represent  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  They  did  not  state  what  particular  National  Guard. 
He  said  he  represented  four  divisions  of  the  National  Guard.  Now, 
which  ones  he  did  not  state  specifically. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many  others  spoke  claiming  that  they  were  speak- 
ing for  National  Guards  ? 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2209 

Mr.  JoHNSOisr.  Well,  he  was  the  only  one  who  spoke  for  this  group 
in  the  National  Guard.  The  other  spoke  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  Regular 
Army. 

Mr.  DoTLE.  Was  he  a  Negro  or  what? 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  was  white. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Did  he  wear  a  mask,  too? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  he  wore  a  nuisk. 

j\[r.  Doyle.  What  uniform? 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  wore  a  uniform. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Of  what? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Regular  United  States  Army  uniform. 

]Mr.  Doyle.  How  did  you  identify  him  as  a  lieutenant  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  not  only  identified  him  by  his  uniform,  but  he  was 
identified  by  Harry  F.  Ward  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  Regular  Army,  and 
he  was  so  identified  in  the  minutes  of  the  Chicago  congress  as  a  lieuten- 
ant in  the  United  States  Army. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Now  that  is  two  men  that  spoke.    How  many  others  ? 

Mr.  FR.VZIER.  They  did  not  give  his  name  at  any  time? 

Mr.  Johnson.  They  did  not  give  his  name.  They  were  very  careful 
to  conceal  the  identity,  the  race,  and  the  nationality  of  the  persons 
who  spoke. 

JNIr.  Doyle.  That  was  two  men  you  have  mentioned  speaking.  Are 
there  any  others  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  I  wish  first  to  mention  the  testimony,  the 
speech  of  this  lieutenant. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Can  you  just  answer  1  or  2  more  questions,  and  that  will 
give  me  the  picture  of  the  kind  of  a  scene  you  were  in.  That  is  what  I 
am  getting  at. 

Mr.  Clakdy.  I  agree  with  you.  May  I  interrupt  to  point  out  that 
this  was  reported,  however,  in  the  magazine  called  Fight  afterward, 
so  that  they  have  here  something  we  are  going  to  put  in  the  record 
in  the  form  of  an  exhibit. 

Go  ahead. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many?     Were  there  more  tlian  two  that  spoke? 

Mr.  Johnson.  There  were  only  two  who  spoke. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mean  two  from  the  services  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Two  from  the  services. 

As  far  as  the  military  men  were  concerned,  I  do  not  know  if  there 
were  more  military  men  present  in  the  hall  or  not.  I  only  know  of 
those  that  were  presented  to  us  and  introduced  to  us  as  speakers  for 
the  group,  both  in  the  Army  and  in  the  National  Guard. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mean  by  that,  they  may  have  been  present  either 
in  or  out  of  uniform  in  the  audience,  but  you  do  not  know  about  it? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No  ;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Then  these  two  are  the  only  people  that  came  up  in 
automobiles  and  entered  the  back  door  and  left  the  same  way  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes.  I  wouldn't  say  that  they  were  the  only  ones,  but 
they  were  the  only  ones  that  I  knew  of  personally. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many  automobiles  brought  the  two? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  I  understand  that  there  was  more  than  one 
automobile  because  this  matter  was  discussed  with  us  in  the  Communist 
Party  fraction,  though  I  was  not  an  actual  participant  in  the  arrange- 
ments for  the  bringing  in  of  the  military  men  and  their  taking  them 
away,  but  in  the  fraction  that  was  held  it  was  discussed  that  every 


2210  CO]\IMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

precaution  must  be  taken  to  safeguard  the  identity  of  these  members 
of  the  Armed  Forces  and  that  these  arrangements  were  actually  made 
and  actually  carried  out.  After  this  meeting  I  discussed  the  matter 
with  some  of  the  others  who  were  present,  members  of  the  Chicago 
district  of  the  Communist  Party,  ajid  they  said  to  me  that  they  had 
carried  out  those  plans  successfully  and  boasted  of  the  fact  that  they 
were  able  to  keep  their  identity  from  the  FBI  and  other  interested 
agents. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  thank  you  for  answering. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Do  you  have  the  magazine  you  wish  to  have  marked, 
Mr.  Counsel? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Give  me  the  date  again  on  that  magazine. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  The  date  is  November  1934. 

I  have  here  the  document  containing  2  or  3  paragraphs  of  material 
which  I  believe  are  important  for  this  record,  Mr.  Chairman,  and 
T  request  that  this  material  be  incorporaetd  into  the  record  at  this 
point. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Miss  Reporter,  will  you  copy  exactly  the  part  marked, 
and  instead  of  offering  this  as  an  exhibit,'  Counsel,  I  think  we  will 
shorten  the  record  by  having  just  the  pertinent  portion  from  this  1934 
document  copied  in  the  record  at  this  point. 

(The  material  referred  to  is  as  follows :) 

[From  Fight  magazine,  March  1934] 

National  Guard 

(By  a  member  of  the  212th  Coast  Artillery  Antiaircraft) 

With  more  than  ordinary  interest  many  of  ii.s  in  the  National  Guard  are 
watching  the  intensified  war  preparations.  This  is  evidenced  by  the  increased 
discussions  among  the  men  about  the  events  in  the  Far  East  and  in  Europe. 

(Picture  captioned:  "National  Guard  Machine  Gun  Unit  Pointing  the  Deadlv 
End  of  a  Machine  Gun  During  the  Recent  Strike  in  the  Bituminous  Area  of 
Pennsylvania.") 

Battery  and  company  rooms,  before  and  after  drill,  are  turned  into  forums. 
Each  squad  of  enlisted  men,  in  the  degree  of  its  political  development  dis- 
cusses the  coming  war  interestedly.  In  the  viewpoints  expressed  I  have  noticed 
that  many  are  anxious  for  war,  but  a  great  majority,  mainly  the  unemployed 
and  the  factory  workers,  are  fundamentally  opposed. 

In  such  a  specializ-d  arm  of  the  Army  as  the  212th  Coast  Artillery  Anti- 
aircraft Regiment,  preparations  for  war  are  noticeable.  This  regiment'  which 
will  form  the  basis,  in  time  of  war,  for  the  training  of  thousands  of  gunners 
among^  the  dratted  civilians,  is  bPing  constantly  perfected  for  aerial  com- 
bat. Though  ostensibly  for  protecting  ammunition  dumps,  aviation  bases,  and 
strategic  positions,  developing  motorization  is  pointing  to  the  use  of  this  regi- 
ment as  an  arm  of  attack.  Mounted  on  trucks  with  a  speed  averaging  seventy- 
five  miles  an  liour,  and  at  lower  speeds  doing  rapid  artillery  fire,  the  regiment  at- 
tains great  mobility  and  firing  accuracy.  The  antiaircraft  guns  have  been 
synchronized  with  sound  apparatus  and  equipped  with  searchlights  capable  of 
throwing  a  hundred-mile  beam.  Actual  war  maneuvers  every  year  at  the 
camp  in  Oswego,  New  York,  which  every  man  must  attend  even  at  the  risk  of 
losing  his  job,  demonstrate  the  developing  eflSciency. 

FASCIST    PROPAGANDA 

Moving  pictures  are  used  now  to  interest  the  men  in  scientific  warfare. 
Prizes  are  awarded  for  gun  efficiency.  Prowar  pep  talks  are  dished  out  at 
every  opportunity  by  the  officers.  An  officer  caste  is  building  a  military  discipline 
on  lines  similar  to  the  German  Imperial  Army.     Court-martials  are  on  the  in- 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2211 

crease,  with  heavy  lines  for  even  mi  nor  offense's  the  general  rule.  Mere  boys 
are  bein^  hurriedly  enlisted  and  trained.  In  the  new  butch  of  recruits  17  is 
the  average  a.ue.  Radically  incliir.'d  soldiers  are  inunediately  discharged. 
Fascism  is  encouraged,  many  of  the  officers  being  leaders  in  Italian  and  German 
Fascist  organizations. 

The  men  are  not  accepting  this  state  of  nffairs  docilely.  In  camp,  strikes 
against  poor  l«:<id  break  out  with  great  frequency.  With  great  coui'age  and 
militancy  the  enlisted  men  organize  and  expose  the  corrupt  grafting  practices  of 
the  officers  who  come  back  from  camp  evei*y  year  much  richer  than  they 
went.  Many  of  the  mutinous  leaders,  for  these  struggles  are  called  "mutinies," 
are  marked  already  for  tlie  firing  squad  when  war  is  declared.  The  pay  for 
drill,  originally  one  dollar,  is  about  lifty  cents  now.  'faxes  and  assessments 
re'luce  this  still  more.  The  resentment  against  the  pay  cut  is  mounting  and 
talks  of  strike  are  constantly  lieard  in  the  company  rooms. 

REACH    THE    NATIONAL    GUARD 

The  National  Guardsman  knows  that  he  is  the  first  to  be  called  in  time  of 
War.  He  is  also  conscious  of  the  fact  now,  that  he  is  used  in  breaking  strikes. 
Many  are  being  enlisted  and  trained  in  Fascist  gangs.  However,  anti-War  and 
anti-Fascist  proijaganda,  when  it  reaches  him,  falls  on  particularly  fertile 
ground.  Special  attention  must  be  paid  to  reaching  the  National  Guardsmen, 
In  New  York  there  are  twenty-six  thousand  of  them.  In  almost  every  state 
there  are  many  regiments  of  these  soldiers.  Before  Roosevelt  was  elected  Presi- 
dent, Congress  appropriated  300  million  dollars  for  the  Guard.  Now  this 
amount  has  increased  tremendously.  Exact  information  is  rarely  printed  in 
the  press.  The  New  York  National  Guardsman,  an  official  organ  of  the  War 
Department  which  is  distributed  without  charge  among  the  men,  is  the  pros- 
titute press  of  the  American  warmongers. 

Anti-War  publications  and  literature  must  reac'i  the  National  Guardsmen. 
In  the  armories  and  in  the  homes  of  the  men  and  ia  their  shops  there  must  be 
a  ceaseless  barrage  of  political  education.  The  National  Guardsman  is  a  po- 
tential Anti-War  and  Anti-Fascist  fiehter. 

('Fi^ht  magazine,  November  1934:) 

A  Representative  From  the  National  Guard.  As  a  representative  of  a  group 
of  Guardsmen  from  four  divisions  of  the  National  Guard  of  the  United  States, 
I  bring  you  greetings.  [Applause.]  We  are  carrying  on  work  among  the  Na- 
tional Guard  against  Fascism  by  organizing  anti-strikebreaking  groups.  We 
pledge  our  full  support  to  carry  out  all  the  decisions  of  this  Congress. 
[Applause  and  Cheering.] 

Chairman  Ward.  Please  don't  delay  this  part  of  the  program  by  prolonged 
applause.  We  are  now  to  hear  from  a  first  lieutenant  of  the  regular  United 
States  Army. 

First  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  Army.  The  troops  of  this  area  have  just  completed 
in  Camp  Custer,  Michigan,  War  maneuvers  on  a  larger  scale  than  since  the 
last  AVar.  The  reserve  officers  of  this  area  have  worked  out  all  the  details  of 
their  mobilization  plans,  while  training  has  been  intensified  here.  For  the 
machines  of  destruction  the  capitalist  pay  dearly,  but  to  the  general  staff,  the 
lives  of  the  workers  are  cheap.  Our  participation  in  this  Congress  is  our  mili- 
tant answer  to  these  preparations.     [Great  Applause  and  Demonstration.] 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Have  you  any  further  explicit  examples,  Mr. 
Johnson  ? 

Mr,  Johnson,  Yes, 

Mr,  Clardt,  Before  you  pass  to  that,  I  think  it  important  to  ask  a 
few  questions  about  the  significance  of  this. 

As  I  understand  it,  Dr,  Harry  Ward  was  presiding  and  carrying 
on  the  program  at  this  meeting.    Am  I  correct  in  that  ? 

Mr,  Johnson,  That  is  correct. 

Mr,  Clakdy,  What  part  did  he  play  behind  the  scenes  in  setting 
up  the  agenda  for  the  meeting  ? 

33909 — .5.3 — pt.  8 2 


2212  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  met  with  the  top  leadership  in  the  Communist 
Party  fraction  prior  to  the  opening  of  the  congress,  at  which  time  all 
of  the  final  technical  arrangements  were  made  insofar  as  this  matter 
was  concerned. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  have  identified  him  in  this  record  prior  to  this  time 
as  a  member  of  the  party.  Is  there  any  possibility  that  at  the  time 
these  arrangements  were  being  made  in  advance  of  the  meeting — was 
there  any  possibility  that  he  did  not  know  this  was  a  Communist 
projects 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  was  utterly  impossible  for  him  not  to  know  because 
it  was  discussed  with  him  in  advance  prior  to  their  coming.  He,  as 
chairman  of  the  congi'ess,  had  to  be  informed  with  regard  to  all  of 
these  actions  prior  to  them. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Was  he,  to  your  knowledge,  acquainted  with  the  others 
on  this  sort  of  steering  committee  or  arrangements  committee? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  he  was;  he  was  so  informed  by  Earl  Browder 
and  others  of  this  particular  action  itself. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Were  those  people  with  whom  he  had  some  personal 
acquaintance  so  that  he  would  naturally  know  that  they  were  Com- 
munists ? 

Mr,  Johnson.  Yes ;  because  Earl  Browder  and  Dr.  Hari-y  F.  Ward 
belonged  to  the  same  party  and  the  same  Communist  Party  fraction 
within  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Mr.  Clardy.  So  that  there  could  be  no  possible  doubt  about  the  fact 
that  Dr.  Ward  knew  that  he  was  promoting  and  helping  along  a  Com- 
munist-inspired meeting  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right.     There  is  no  doubt  about  that. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  year  was  this? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  was  in  1934  in  Chicago  when  the  convention  was 
held — when  the  congress  was  held. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Witness,  in  the  New  York  hearing  you  introduced  or 
presented  to  us  a  list  of  ministers  who  were  active  in  this  league,  in 
this  movement. 

Would  you  say  that  the  ministers  on  that  list  were  also  interested 
in  the  promotion  and  carrying  on  of  this  particular  meeting? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  say  that  all  of  them  were  interested  in  pro- 
moting the  progi'am — the  program  of  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism  and  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy. 

^Ir.  Doyle.  May  I  ask  right  there,  as  I  did  not  have  the  benefit 
of  hearing  your  testimony  in  New  York,  do  we  have  any  outline  of 
the  objectives  of  these  two  leagues  you  are  talking  of,  any  document 
which  shows  that 

Mr.  KuNziG.  That  is  all  in  the  record. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Yes,  Mr.  Doyle;  that  has  been  gone  into. 

Mr.  Frazier.  Were  any  of  these  other  ministers  that  you  have  listed 
in  previous  testimony  present  at  that  congress,  to  your  knowledge? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Some  of  them  were  and  some  of  them  attended  other 
congresses.     You  see,  they  had  other  congresses  between  1933  and  1939. 

Mr.  Frazier.  Can  you  tell  us  which  ones  were  there  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  list  of  ministers  that  I  gave  covered  the  entire 
period  of  activity  in  the  Communist  front,  and  I  did  not  identify  them 
according  to  congresses  or  according  to  years  because  that  would  be  a 
tremendous  job,  and  I  as  a  witness  could  not  do  that  in  the  time 
allotted. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2213 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  many  years  are  in  that  period  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  between  1933  and  1939,  the  entire  life  of  the 
organization. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  is  possible,  is  it  not.  Witness,  that  some  of  the 
exhibits  already  presented  in  the  record  will  tie  certain  ministers  into 
certain  meetings  so  that  by  caref  nl  investigation  and  checking  we  could 
find  at  least  the  identity  of  some  of  them,  even  though  w^e  would  not 
find  it  as  to  all  of  them  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  specific  examples,  Mr. 
Johnson  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  I  have  in  my  hand  an  article,  Wliat's  My  Choice, 
by  Al  Hamilton  in  Fight  magazine,  March  1935.  Al  Hamilton  is 
chairman  of  Social  Action,  National  Council  of  Methodist  Youth.  I 
wish  to  quote  only  two  paragraphs. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  us  read  them. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Wliat  date  is  this,  and  what  are  you  reading  from  ? 

]Mr.  Johnson.  Fight  magazine. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  date  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  official  organ  of  the  American  League  against 
War  and  Fascism,  March  1935. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Where  was  he  when  he  is  said  to  have  said  what  you 
are  going  to  read,  or  is  that  an  article  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  was  chairman  of  Social  Action,  National  Council 
of  Methodist  Youth. 

Mr.  Clardy.  "Wliat  you  are  about  to  read  is  an  article  he  contributed 
to  the  magazine  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  An  article  he  contributed  to  the  magaz;ine  Fight. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right,  proceed. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Al  Hamilton  states : 

For  some  time  certain  true  spiritual  forces  of  the  church  and  the  economic 
forces  in  the  present-day  society  have  been  moving  in  opposite  directions,  and 
to  the  extent  that  these  religious  groups  move  along  the  road  toward  a  just 
economic  system,  toAvard  true  democracy  of  those  who  produce  and  toward  a  war- 
less  world,  by  so  much  will  they  find  themselves  coming  more  and  more  in  direct 
opposition  with  the  state.  Sincere  and  intelligent  Christians  are  faced  with  a 
choice,  support  of  the  church's  struggle  for  social  justice  and  peace  or  military 
state,  speaking  for  the  dominant  economic  group  in  a  capitalist  society. 

What  does  this  mean?  Perhaps  it  means  that  the  struggle  for  freedom  and 
the  struggle  for  peace  must  be  realized  outside  the  arena  of  the  courts.  If  the 
courts  as  well  as  government  have  become  merely  the  voice  of  nationalism  and 
the  process  of  human  exploitation  existing  today,  then  the  realm  of  constructive 
accomplishment  appears  to  be  in  the  field  of  economic  change  combined  with 
organization  to  hinder  and  stop  the  workings  of  the  war  machine.  If  this  is 
true,  the  Christian  must  begin  to  aid  in  the  organization  of  workers,  students, 
and  intellectuals  for  fundamental  economic  change  and  for  effective  action  to 
stop  the  functioning  of  the  totalitarian  state.  Thus  the  Christian  today  must 
choose  between  the  conscientious  loyalty  to  the  best  in  society,  loyalty  to  those 
who  will  pay  the  price  of  another  war,  the  workers,  the  students  and  professionals 
or  subjection  to  the  will  of  the  state  that  has  become  merely  the  expression  of 
the  profit  system,  unable  to  maintain  itself  except  by  war. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  us  suspend  the  hearing  until  we  have  reported  to 
the  floor.^ 

(Whereupon,  at  11 :  38  a.  m.,  the  hearing  recessed  until  1 :  30  p.  m. 
of  the  same  day.) 


1  Floor  of  the  U.  S.  House  of  Representatives. 


2214  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

AFTERNOON  SESSION 

(At  the  hour  of  1 :  30  p.  m.,  of  the  same  day,  the  proceedings  were 
resumed,  Representatives  Kit  Clardy  (presiding)  and  Clyde  Doyle 
being  present.) 

Mr.  Clardy.  The  hearing  will  resume. 

Are  you  ready,  Mr.  Counsel  ? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Proceed. 

TESTIMONY  OF  MANNING  JOHNSON— Resumed 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  from  your  personal  experience,  and  I 
would  like  to  emphasize  for  you  to  the  best  of  your  ability  to  keep  your 
testimony  to  your  personal  experience,  what  are  the  methods  of  in- 
filtration and  subversion  in  the  religious  organizations  used  by  the 
Communist's  ? 

Mr.  Johnson,  Well,  I  can  best  answer  that  by  calling  your  atten- 
tion to  an  article  published  in  the  magazine  International  Youth,  the 
official  organ  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Young  Communist 
International,  with  headquarters  in  Moscow.  The  article  was  written 
by  Gilbert  Green.  Gilbert  Green  was  for  years  a  member  of  the 
national  committee  of  the  Young  Communist  League  of  the  United 
States;  he  was  a  member  of  the  Young  Communist  International 
Executive  Committee;  he  was  one  of  the  officials  of  the  American 
Youth  Congress ;  he  was  a  member  of  the  central  committee  or  national 
committee  of  the  Communist  Party;  a  member  of  the  Political  Bureau 
of  the  Communist  Party,  and  is  now  a  fugitive  Communist  wanted  by 
the  Federal  Government  for  violation  of  the  Smith  Act. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  He  was  one  of  the  original  men  tried  in  the  first  Com- 
munist trial  known  as  the  Medina  trial,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  He  is  one  of  the  original  12,  which  is  now  reduced  to 
and  is  known  as  the  11  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Well,  would  you  give  the  general  content  of  this 
article,  then,  to  the  subcommittee,  Mr.  Johnson,  and  as  you  do  that 
would  you  fix  the  date  of  the  article  that  you  refer  to  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  will.  The  date  of  this  article  is  in  1935,  and  the 
reason  why  I  call  this  to  your  attention  is  that  the  major  plot  to  take 
over  the  religious  organizations  was  really  hatched  during  that  par- 
ticular period,  and  the  fact  tliat  the  Communists  in  headlines  in  the 
Daily  Worker  can  boast  of  2,300  Protestant  ministers  supporting  them 
is  the  result  of  this  part  that  began  back  in  the  thirties  when  I  was  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Twenty-three  hundred  people  supporting  them  in 
what? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Twenty-three  hundred  clergymen  have  talks  with 
Eisenhower  for  clemency  for  the  Rosenbergs. 

Mr.  Clardy.  That  refers,  does  it  not,  to  a  petition  or  a  series  of 
petitions  that  were  circulated  in  which  it  is  alleged  that  the  2,300  joined 
in  seeking  clemency  for  the  Rosenbergs  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2215 

Mr.  KuNziG.  JNIr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  photostatic  copy  of  the  front 
page  of  the  Daily  Worker  from  Tuesday,  Fobniary  17,  195?>,  in  my 
hand.  It  is  marked  "]\rannin<r  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  19,"  and  I  should 
like  to  offer  this  into  evidence  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  photostatic  coi)y  of  the  front  paj^e  of  the  Daily  Worker,  Tues- 
day, February  17,  195;5,  ])reviously  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Ex- 
hibit 19""  for  identification  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning 
Johnson  exhibit  No.  19.) 

Manning  Johnson  ExHiBrr  No.  19 

(Daily  Worker,  February  17,  1953,  pp.  1  and  G) 

Twenty-three  Hundred  Clergymen  Ask  Talks  With  Eisenhower 

DEIATH  date  SET  FOR  WEEK  OP  MARCH  9 

(By  Carl  Hirsoh) 

Chicago,  February  16.— Spokesmen  for  2,300  clergymen  who  have  sent  a  special 
plea  to  President  Eisenhower  to  reconsider  the  appeal  for  clemency  in  the  Rosen- 
berg case  today  awaited  a  reply  from  the  White  House  on  their  request  to  speak 
to  the  President  personally  on  the  case.  Dr.  Bernard  M.  Loonier,  dean  of  the 
University  of  Chicago  Divinity  School,  forwarded  the  new  appeal  to  Eisen- 
hower which  "earnestly  questions  the  political  and  spiritual  wisdom  of  the 
sentence"  of  death  against  Julius  and  Ethel  Rosenberg. 

A  group  of  leading  churchmen  who  signed  the  appeal  are  ready  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington at  a  moment's  notice,  said  Dean  Loonier. 

Following  is  the  text  of  the  letter  signed  by  Dean  Loomer  which  Eisenhower 
received  yesterday : 

"I  urge  you  to  reconsider  your  refusal  to  commute  the  death  sentence  of  Julius 
and  Ethel  Rosenberg. 

"Together  with  nearly  2,300  other  clergymen,  I  signed  a  letter  asking  for 
■  executive  clemencJ^  We  assume  that  our  letter  is  included  in  the  material  pre- 
pared for  your  attention  by  the  Justice  Department. 

"Our  unaffiliated  group  represents  an  important  segment  of  the  Christian  clergy 
of  this  country.  Among  us  are  members  of  28  communions  and  citizens  of  all 
48  States,  the  District  of  Columl)ia,  the  Territories  of  Alaska,  Hawaii,  and  the 
Canal  Zone  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Puerto  Rico. 

"Many  of  the  signers  are  spiritual  and  executive  leaders  in  their  respective 
denominations.  Included  are  presidents,  deans  and  professors  of  numerous 
theological  schools  and  colleges  and  important  members  of  interdenominational 
organizations.  All  of  us,  as  pastors,  are  in  intimate  touch  with  our  people;  it  is 
fair  to  conclude  that  our  opposition  to  the  death  sentence  is  shared  by  a  much 
larger  number  of  conservative  and  thoughtful  citizens. 

"It  is  difficult  in  a  short  letter  to  convey  adequately  the  sense  of  the  considera- 
tions which  led  us  to  make  our  original  appeal.  Certainly  one  major  considera- 
tion is  the  fact  that  the  Rosenberg  case  has  become  an  occasion  that  catches  up 
within  itself  all  kinds  of  attitudes,  forces,  and  movements  which  are  operating 
within  our  society. 

"For  this  reason,  we  suggest  that  the  Rosenberg  case  cannot  be  looked  at 
simply  in  terms  of  itself.  For  this  reason,  the  death  sentence  in  this  instance  is 
an  indication  of  our  national  weakness  rather  than  our  national  strength.  It  is 
a  reflection  of  our  own  growing  hysteria,  fear  and  insecurity. 

"When  looked  at  in  this  symbolic  way,  the  death  sentence  itself  further  reduces 
the  range  of  our  freedom  to  think  and  act.  It  contributes  to  a  paralysis  of  critical 
thought;  It  furthers  the  mood  of  suppression  that  becomes  increasingly  charac- 
teristic of  our  way  of  life. 

"We  are  not  questioning  the  justice  of  the  trial,  but  we  earnestly  question  the 
political  and  spiritual  wisdom  of  the  sentence. 

"Surely  we  as  a  country  are  strong  enough  to  endure  the  kind  of  tension  in- 
volved in  the  Rosenberg  case. 

"Since  this  is  an  inadequate  summary  of  our  views,  I  respectfully  ask  on  behalf 
•of  all  of  the  signers  that  you  grant  an  appointment  at  which  some  of  our  number 


2216  COIVIMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

can  present  to  you  personally  the  considerations  which  moved  us  to  join  in  a 
common  plea  for  mercy." 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  suggest  to  the  witness  that  you  give  us  the  month  and 
the  date  and  the  vohnne  or  the  number  of  that  magazine.  You  said 
in  1935,  but  you  have,  apparentlj^,  the  magazine  in  your  hands.  What 
is  the  montli  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  This  International  Youth,  vohnne  2,  March  1935, 
No.  1. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Now,  witness,  may  I  interrupt  you  just  a  minute  here, 
because  it  can't  be  too  definite  in  this  record  when  we  are  talking  about 
something  as  serious  and  as  deadly  as  this. 

I  note  tliat  in  the  article  which  has  now  been  put  in  the  record  and 
marked  "Exhibit  19,"  it  mentions  a  Dr.  Bernard  Loomer,  L-o-o-m-e-r, 
as  dean  of  the  University  of  Chicago  Divinity  School,  and  it  makes 
it  appear  that  Dr.  Loomer  had  been  speaking  for  the  entire  2,300. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Now,  my  question  is,  do  you  have  any  knowledge  of 
or  about  Dr.  Loomer  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  pereonally  do  not  know  him  as  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party  during  the  period  of  my  membership. 

Mr.  Clardy.  But  I  note  that  he  is  the  one  quoted  as  having  acted 
as  the  spokesman  for  the  group.  I  wonder  if  you  can  tell  me  some- 
thing about  how  these  things  are  worked  or  operated,  because  he  says 
here,  and  I  am  quoting  from  it,  "Together — "  and  I  am  quoting  his 
words — 

Together  with  nearly  2,300  other  clergymen,  I  signed  a  letter  asking  for 
executive  clemency. 

Now,  that  is  the  end  of  the  quote. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  That  is  as  regards  the  Rosenbergs. 

Mr.  Clardy.  That  is  right,  what  we  are  talking  about. 

Now,  is  that  the  normal  and  standard  procedure  they  use,  to  get  the 
clergyman  to  sign  individual  letters,  or  maybe  several  of  them  sign 
1  letter  and  put  them  in  their  files  and  have  1  spokesman  step  forward 
and  speak  for  all  of  them  ? 

]Mr.  Johnson,  It  is  customary  for  them  to  solicit  the  opinion  of 
clergymen  all  over  the  country  and  get  them  to  subscribe  to  such  a 
petition,  and  on  the  strength  of  their  agreement,  their  names  are 
recorded  as  supporting  the  specific  action.  That  is  how  they  have 
always  over  the  years  gotten  their  sponsors  and  their  advocates. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Dr.  Bella  Dodd,  Avhen  appearing  before  us,  told  us  at 
some  length  about  hoAV  this  mechanism  was  built  up  and  put  into 
operation,  and  as  she  described  it,  they  built  up  what  counsel  described 
this  morning  as  a  sucker  list  of  clergymen  and  others  of  good  repute 
about  the  Nation  who  could  be  easily  inveigled  into  signing  a  thing 
of  this  kind.  Would  you  say  that  is  an  accurate  description  of  the 
way  it  actually  worked  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  an  accurate  description  of  how  this  works. 
They  approach  every  person  that  they  have  had  at  one  time  or  another 
on  various  Communist-front  organizations  and  present  the  proposi- 
tion to  them  and  get  their  agreement.  You  will  find  if  you  check 
the  records  of  the  Congressional  Un-American  Activities  Committee, 
(here  are  listed  the  numerous  fronts  over  the  period  of  years  that  the 
Communist  Party  has  formed  and  operated  which  Lenin  called  the 


COMMUNIST    ACTR^TIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2217 

solar  system  of  organizations,  including  the  names  of  many  clerg}^men 
who  liave  at  one  time  or  another  been  on  Communist-front  lists. 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  noticed  this,  that  as  the  witness  mentioned  the  name 
of  Dr.  Loomer,  he  specified  that  he  did  not  know  him  as  a  Communist. 
Do  you  remember  doing  that  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  1  said  during  the  period  of  my  membership. 

IMr.  Doyle.  All  right.  Now,  I  want  to  urge  that  as  far  as  I  am 
concerned  on  the  committee,  I  want  you  to  be  \evj  careful  never  to 
name  a  person  as  a  Communist  unless  you  are  willing  under  oath  to 
be  able  to  prove  it.  In  other  words,  I  think  that  every  person  named 
as  a  Communist  by  a  M'itness,  whether  it  is  you  or  any  other  witness, 
ought  never  to  be  mentioned  as  a  Communist  unless  the  witness  per- 
sonally knows  that,  and  therefore  I  want  to  compliment  you  on  testi- 
fying that  you  never  knew  that  man,  whom  I  have  never  heard  of 
before  because  you  sj^ecified  that  you  did  not  know  him  as  a  Commu- 
nist. I  want  to  compliment  you  on  doing  that,  and  I  hope  that  in  all 
your  testimony  if  you  do  not  know  a  man  to  be  a  Communist,  you 
will  specify  him  as  not  a  Communist  to  your  own  personal  knowl- 
edge. The  other  thing  is  this,  though:  I  want  to  ask  along  the  line 
of  your  statement  about  the  Daily  Worker 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  1  interrupt  you  to  add  something  to  what  you 
said  ? 

Mr.  Doyle.  Yes,  indeed. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  was  because  the  witness  did  not  even  mention  the 
doctor,  except  by  indirection  by  pushing  that  exhibit  19  in  front  of 
us,  that  I  was  impelled  to  ask  him  if  he  knew  him,  because  I  did  not 
want  even  the  exhibit  to  reflect  the  name  of  someone  as  a  Communist, 
as  it  conceivably  might,  if  the  witness  in  fact  did  not  know  that  he 
was  such,  so  that  is  why  I  asked  him  the  question,  and  he  very  fairly 
said  he  did  not. 

]\Ir.  Doyle.  That  is  very  good,  and  I  wanted  to  emphasize  that  I 
thought  it  was  good  that  you  specified. 

Now,  as  to  whether  or  not  these  alleged  2,300  other  clergymen  which 
this  Dr.  Loomer  refers  to — did  they  sign  anything  to  your  personal 
knowledge  ^ 

Mr.  Johnson.  Not  according  to  my  personal  knowledge,  because 
I  was  not  a  member  of  that  organization.  I  was  only  speaking  of  the 
fact  that  in  the  Daily  Woiker  they  had  mentioned  2,300  clergymen, 
and  I  think  it  is  of  concern  to  the  American  people  if  it  is  true  that  the 
Connnunists  have  2,300  of  our  clergy  who  administer  to  the  souls  of 
men  daily  in  our  churches. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Witness,  referring  again  to  exhibit  19,  as  I  understand 
it,  this  is  no  more  nor  less  than  a  page  or  a  copy,  photostatic  copy,  of 
the  Daily  Worker  for  February  17  of  this  year.  You  are  not  here 
contending  that  you  know  whether  or  not  there  are  2.300  clergymen 
who  actually  signed  the  petition  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No  ;  I  am  not  making  such  a  claim. 

]Mr.  Clardy.  You  are  not  here  making  any  claim  that  you  know 
whether  any  one  or  all  of  the  2,300  are  members  of  the  Communist 
Party? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  am  not  making  such  a  claim. 

INIr.  Clardy.  All  you  are  contending  or  setting  forth  is  the  fact 
that  the  Daily  Worker  claims  that  2,300  ministers  signed  the  peti- 
tion of  clemency  for  the  Rosenbergs,  am  I  right  ? 


2218  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  Johnson".  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  And  that  if  these  2,300  did  sign  it,  and  it  can  be 
shown  that  they  did  sign  it,  the  most  that  it  would  establish  would 
be  that  the  Communist  F'arty  may  have  either  directly  or  indirectly 
induced  that  many  to  do  something. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  used  the  term  "minister." 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  should  have  said 

Mr.  Doyle.  The  minister  may  be  entirely  different  from  a  clergy- 
man. 

Mr.  Clardy.  In  my  book  a  minister  covers  the  ganuit,  and  so  there 
be  no  misunderstandings,  I  meant  all  the  faiths. 

Mr.  Doyle.  All  right.  Of  course,  of  your  own  knowledge,  in  view 
of  your  answer,  you  do  not  know  whether  or  not  any  of  these  clergy- 
men are  members  of  faiths  other  tlian  Protestant,  do  you? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  know  what  denominations  they  are  because 
I  have  not  seen  the  list.  I  am  merely  stating  that  on  the  basis  of  my 
knowledge  and  experience  wliile  in  the  Communist  Party  the  Com- 
munist Party  made  serious  efforts  to  enlist  clergymen  in  their  activi- 
ties to  give  it  a  cloak  of  religious  respectability,  and  that  this  con- 
spiracy began  not  yesterday,  but  a  number  of  years  ago,  and  over  the 
course  of  years  they  have  made  deeper  and  deeper  inroads  in  the  re- 
ligious field  that  I  am  reluctant  to  discount  the  possibility  of  them 
actually  having  2,300  clergymen. 

Mr.  DoYixE.  When  they  solicit  these  men  who  are  clergymen  do 
they  do  it  by  mail  ?  For  instance,  would  they  have  some  representa- 
tive of  the  Communist  Party  or  the  Daily  Worker  solicit  these  people 
in  the  different  cities  personally  and  submit  a  written  form  or  some- 
thing to  them,  or  would  they  write  them  a  letter  and  say  that  here  is 
a  sample  of  a  petition?  How  would  they  function?  Because  pre- 
sumably those  2,300  or  any  number  would  be  in  different  parts  of  the 
country. 

Mr.  Johnson.  When  I  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  and 
a  front  organization  was  formed  by  the  Communist  Party,  the  polit- 
bureau  organized  a  subcommittee  to  be  responsible  for  getting  a  list 
of  sponsors.  They  were  approached  individually  by  telephone  con- 
versation, and  some  by  correspondence,  and  on  the  strength  of  their 
reply  their  names  were  put  on  a  list  of  sponsors  of  a  given  front 
organization. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Would  it  be  fair  to  say  that  it  was  not  necessarily 
true  that  they  recruited  those  people  into  the  party,  but  merely  used 
them  for  the  purpose  of  some  particular  petition  or  action  that  was 
under  way  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  They  used  them  to  give  a  respectable  front  to  the 
particular  activity  in  which  the  Communist  Party  wished  to  engage 
at  that  particular  time. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Then  as  I  understood  your  answer  a  minute  ago,  part 
of  their  procedure  would  be  that  they  would  appoint  a  committee  in 
a  big  city  like  Los  Angeles,  Boston,  San  Francisco,  or  New  York, 
who  would  personally  interview  a  clergyman,  either  directly  face 
to  face  or  over  the  telephone,  and  submit  the  subject  matter  of  whether 
or  not  he  would  approve  a  petition  for  clemency  to  the  President  in- 
volving the  Rosenbergs,  and  then  this  committee  would  report  what- 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2219 

ever  they  felt  they  slioiild  report  after  having  a  converation  with  this 
given  clergyman,  is  tliat  right? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  I  would  put  it  this  way — I  would  say  this,  that 
the  committee  would  be  set  up  by  the  political  bureau  of  the  Commu- 
nist Party  to  organize  a  list  of  sponsors  on  a  national  scale.  The 
Communist  Party  is  a  national  organization  in  scope.  We  are  speak- 
ing specifically  of  America.  If  we  want  to  speak  of  it  in  its  worldwide 
aspect,  they  can  say  it  is  international  in  scope  with  its  headquarters 
in  Moscow.  Through  their  agents  or  through  their  operatives  in 
every  city  througliout  the  country  tliey  approach  the  persons  that 
they  want  on  these  different  front  organizations,  and  when  they  have 
compiled  the  complete  list,  then  it  is  put  on  letterheads  or  other  propa- 
ganda material  and  circulated. 

These  lists  of  sponsors  give  the  Communist- front  organization  a 
cloak  of  respectability.  The  more  ministers  they  get  on  it,  the  more 
respectable  it  is  because  the  majority  of  the  American  people  believe 
in  Cuod.  They  believe  in  the  church,  and  when  a  member  of  the  church 
endorses  an  organization  or  a  movement,  the  people  are  susceptible  to 
believe  in  it. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Of  course  I  do  not  mean  to  interrupt  you,  but  we  do  not 
need  any  argument  to  agree  with  you  on  that.  We  will  stipulate  to 
that,  but  what  I  am  trying  to  get  at.  Witness,  is  the  method  by  which 
the  clerg3^men  in  the  country  are  solicited.  In  other  words,  they 
would  be  solicited,  then,  by  representatives  of  the  Communist  Party 
or  Communist  fronts  orally,  would  they  not? 

The  other  way  would  be  by  correspondence. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Through  correspondence  and  through  contact  with 
sympathizers  and  fellow  travelers  and  party  members  among  the 
clergymen. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  that  helps  me  understand. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Bella  Dodd  testified,  if  you  remember,  Congressman 
Doyle,  that  after  they  once  had  a  man  go  along  with  one  of  these 
petitions  or  some  other  movement,  they  put  him  on  the  sucker  list,  and 
thereafter  they  would  usually  send  him  a  telegram  telling  him  briefly 
what  it  was  they  wanted  his  further  support  on  and  relied  on  getting 
a  telegram  back  to 

Mr.  Doyle.  The  thing  I  wanted  to  know  was  whether  or  not  in  a  list 
like  this  it  would  mean  that  2,300  or  any  hundred  would  necessarily 
have  signed  anything,  and  I  take  it  from  the  witness'  testimony  that 
they  need  not  have  actually  signed  the  thing,  even  a  letter,  authorizing 
the  use  of  their  names.  It  might  have  been  by  oral  solicitation  at  the 
grassroots. 

Mr.  Clardy.  This  particular  one,  Mr.  Doyle,  tries  to  make  it  appear 
that  these  2,300  signed  a  letter  of  some  sort.  I  think  it  would  be 
extremely  interesting,  therefoie,  to  find  out  whether  they  are  accurate 
in  that  statement  of  whether  what  I  suspect  is  the  truth,  that  it  was  the 
method  you  outline. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Thank  you  very  much. 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  Now,  Mr.  Johnson,  sometime  ago  we  started  talking 
about  the  factor  of  a  certain  document  in  front  of  you  entitled  "Inter- 
national of  Youth,"  and  we  were  discussing  other  matters  relative  to 
that  since  that  time.  You  were  about  to  discuss  what  in  that  docu- 
ment showed  the  methods  of  infiltration  and  subversion  in  religious 
organizations  by  Communists. 


2220         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  Johnson.    Yes.     I  want  to  read  just  two  quotations  from  an 
article  by  the  fugitive  Communist,  Gilbert  Green, 
From  his  article  I  quote:  "Full  Speed  Ahead." 
He  states,  and  I  quote : 

The  second  aspect  of  the  problem  of  achieving  working-class  leadership  over 
this  broad  united-front  movement  is  that  of  worlv  in  the  present  mass  organiza- 
tions of  American  youth.  We  know  that  the  youth  workers  are  not  to  be  found 
as  yet  in  the  majority  in  strictly  class  organizations.  The  trade  unions,  unem- 
ployed organizations,  and  cultural  workers'  organizations  as  yet  include  only  a 
small  i^ercentage  of  the  organized  young  workers.  The  vast  majority  of  the 
American  young  workers  and  youth  generally  are  organized,  but  in  organizations 
directly  or  indirectly  controlled  or  influenced  by  the  ruling  class.  These  organi- 
zations are  the  Y's,  settlement  and  community  houses,  church  organizations, 
amateur  athletic  unions,  etc.  It  is  precisely  in  these  organizations  where  we 
must  work  to  win  the  youth  for  a  working-class  program  and  leadership ;  not 
only  the  young  workers  but  also  the  farming  and  student  youth. 

The  second  quotation  is : 

While  in  most  districts  the  major  problem  is  to  send  the  bulk  of  our  members 
into  these  organizations  of  the  youth,  in  some  places  the  problem  is  to  reorganize 
the  work  of  our  present  league  so  as  to  give  leadership  to  our  comrades  already 
in  these  organizations.  For  example,  in  the  South  we  have  more  than  300  mem- 
bers who  are  also  members  of  church  youth  organizations,  especially  the  Baptist 
Young  People's  Union.  In  this  district  (Alabama)  the  problem  confronting  the 
leadership  is  to  completely  change  the  organizational  structui-e  of  the  league. 
Where  possible  we  should  build  shop  units  and  everywhere  else  units  in  the 
church  youth  organizations.  Wliy?  Because  in  the  South,  especially  for  the 
Negro  youth,  the  church  is  the  center  of  all  cultural  and  social  activity.  It  is 
here  that  we  must  work.  By  building  our  units  in  the  church  organizations,  we 
can  also  improve  our  work  under  the  legal  conditions,  as  it  will  be  easier  to  work 
in  the  church  organizations.  In  Alabama  there  are  certain  places  in  which  we 
can  in  a  short  time  take  over  the  church  organizations  of  youth  under  our  leader- 
ship, and  these  can  become  legal  covers  for  our  work  in  the  South. 

In  other  words,  as  far  back  as  1935  the  Communist  Party  youth 
section  was  forming  secret  cells  in  the  church  organizations,  and  they 
had  grown  to  proportions  in  this  particular  section  of  the  country  so 
that  they  would  be  able  at  any  time  to  take  over  the  church  organi- 
zations of  youth. 

Mr.  Clardy,  Witness,  in  connection  with  that,  this  was  dated  back 
a  number  of  years,  as  I  recall  it. 

Mr,  Johnson,  This  specific  date  was  March  1935, 

Mr,  Clardy.  You  were  with  the  party  for  about  5  years  after  that  ? 

Mr,  Johnson.  That  is  right, 

Mr,  Clardy,  Would  you  say  that  the  predictions  that  were  made 
there  as  to  the  possibilities  actually  worked  out,  or  did  not  work  out? 

Mr,  Johnson,  Yes ;  they  did  work  out, 

Mr,  Clardy,  Were  you  sufficiently  close  to  the  scene  to  have  some 
intimate  inside  knowledge  of  how  they  did  work  out  ? 

Mr.  Johnson,  Yes.  On  the  strength  of  the  reports  of  Gilbert  Green 
to  the  meetings  of  the  national  committee  with  regard  to  the  work 
of  the  Young  Communist  League  in  the  South,  he  pointed  out  that 
they  met  with  unusual  success  in  working  through  the  religious  youth 
organizations  in  the  South. 

This  success,  he  stated,  was  due  to  the  fact  that  they  could  use  the 
church  as  a  cover  to  carry  out  the  program  of  national  liberation  for 
the  Negro  in  the  South.  I  might  explain  that  by  national  liberation 
I  mean  the  program  of  revolt  of  the  Negroes  in  the  South  and  the 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2221 

establishment  of  an  independent  Negro  republic  separate  and  apart 
from  the  rest  of  the  United  States. 

Mr,  Clardy.  Tliere  has  been  some  testimony  in  past  years  before 
the  committee  on  that,  as  I  understand  it,  and  you  are  probably  fa- 
miliar Avith  that  testimony,  and  j^ou  are  adding  your  weight  of  your 
own  knowledge  to  those  prior  statements  that  such  was  actually  con- 
templated? 
Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  In  answering  the  chairman  a  moment  ago  you  re- 
peated the  testimony  of  Green.  You  gave  nothing  of  your  own  per- 
sonal knowledge  except  that  you  heard  him  make  certain  statements, 
and  that  is  only  hearsay.  What  do  you  know  of  your  ow^n  personal 
knowledge  of  any  incident  or  place  where  the  Communist  young  ])eo- 
ple  took  over  a  religious  organization?  That  is.  I  think,  what  Mr. 
Clardy  referred  to.  I  am  going  into  that  because  I  want  it  accurate. 
Mr.  Johnson.  May  I  state  here  that  when  Gilbert  Green  makes  a 
report  for  the  National  Bureau  of  the  Young  Comnninist  League  to 
the  enlarged  National  Executive  Committee  of  the  Young  Commu- 
nist League  of  x\merica,  and  when  such  a  report  is  made  in  the  Inter- 
national of  Youth  which  is  the  official  organ  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist Youth  International,  this  is  no  longer  hearsay.  This  is  an 
actual  fact,  and  what  is  published  in  here  is  published  for  the  train- 
ing and  enlightenment  in  tactics  and  methods  of  work  for  every 
Communist  Party  leader,  not  only  in  America,  but  throughout  the 
world. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Grant  that,  Mr.  Johnson.    In  other  words,  I  will  not 
grant  that  whatever  the  Communist  leaders  report  is  factual.    You 
see,  I  want  to  stress  to  you  this:    This  committee  cannot  take  as  a 
matter  of  fact — I  mean,  an  actual  existing  fact — what  Green  reports 
to  a  Communist  convention.    That  is  only  his  report. 
What  we  are  after  is  your  own  personal  knowledge. 
Now,  these  documents  are  valuable,  that  is  true,  because  they  show 
methods,  and  they  show  processes,  and  they  show  what  the  Communist 
Party  claims  it  did.     I  am  not  discounting  the  value  of  those,  Mr. 
Clardy,  you  realize  that. 
Mr.  Clardy.  I  understand  that. 

Mr.  Doyle.  And  I  do  not  want  the  witness  to  think  that  I  am  dis- 
counting the  value  of  these  documents,  because  they  are  very  valuable, 
but  you  see,  witness,  we  cannot  as  a  congressional  committee  just  agree 
that  because  Green  gives  a  report  that  it  is  actually  true. 

Mr.  Johnson.  When  the  Communists  say  that  they  are  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  you  cannot  say 
that  is  hearsay ;  that  they  aim  to  take  over  a  country  and  Sovietize  it, 
you  cannot  say  that  is  hearsay. 
Mr.  KuNziG.  Off  the  record. 
(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Cl.\rdy.  Put  it  into  the  record  and  mark  it  as  "Manning  Johnson 
Exhibit  No.  20,"  those  marked  portions  of  the  document  now  being 
tendered  and  marked  on  the  outside  as  "Exhibit  20,"  and  what  will  be 
received. 

(The  marked  portion  of  the  document  referred  to  was  received  in 
evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  20.) 


2222  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  20 

(International  of  Youth,  March  1935,  pp.  25  and  26.) 

Full  Speed  Ahead 

By  Gilbert  Green 

^  *****  * 

Importance  of  Our  Work  in  Mass  Youth  Organizations 

The  second  aspect  of  the  problem  of  achieving  working-class  leadership  over 
this  broad  united-front  movement,  is  that  of  work  in  the  present  mass  organiza- 
tions of  American  youth.  We  know  tliat  the  young  workers  are  not  to  be  found 
as  yet  in  the  majority  in  strictly  class  organizations.  The  trade  unions,  unem- 
ployed, and  cultural  workers'  organizations  as  yet  include  only  a  small  percentage 
of  the  organized  young  workers.  The  vast  majority  of  American  young  workers 
and  youth  generally  are  organized,  but  in  organizations  directly  or  indirectly 
controlled  or  influenced  by  the  ruling  class.  These  organizations  are  the  Y's, 
Settlement  and  Community  Houses,  Church  Organizations,  Amateur  Athletic 
Union,  etc.  It  is  precisely  in  these  organizations  where  we  must  work  to  win 
the  youth  for  a  working-class  program  and  leadership — not  only  the  young  work- 
ers, but  also  the  farming  and  student  youth. 

Work  in  these  organizations  today  is  a  life-and-death  question  which  will 
greatly  determine  the  outcome  of  the  whole  youth  congress  movement.  Many 
of  our  comrades  in  the  last  months  have  learned  to  speak  in  terms  of  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  youth  involved  in  the  youth  congress  movement.  But  let  us  not 
fool  ourselves.  Certainly  the  movement  is  broad,  but  these  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  youth  do  not  as  yet  know  about  the  congress  program  and  are  not  actively 
mobilized  to  fight  for  same. 

Experience  has  also  taught  us  that  the  leaders  of  these  organizations  are  not 
going  to  draw  their  memberships  into  such  active  participation.  And  further, 
if  pressure  is  put  on  them  to  withdraw  from  the  movement,  many  of  them  may 
even  do  so.  The  guarantee  that  these  wide  masses  will  remain  in  the  united 
front  and  actively  struggle  for  its  program,  depends  upon  our  work  in  the  local 
branches  of  these  organizations,  how  we  bring  the  program  of  the  youth  congress 
to  these  members  and  draw  them  into  struggle  for  the  realization  of  same. 

How  prepared  are  we  for  this  task?  In  Michigan  the  Youth  Congress  repre- 
sents oOO.OOU  organized  youth.  In  this  district  our  whole  Y.  C.  L.  has  but  19 
members  in  the  mas;^  organizations  influenced  by  the  ruling  class.  Can  this 
small  handful  of  comrades  succeed  in  mobilizing  tJiese  masses  for  the  Youth 
Congress  program  despite  the  position  of  the  leaders  of  these  organizations? 

The  situation  in  Detroit  is  more  glaring  because  of  the  broad  character  of  the 
Youth  Congress,  but  it  is  essentially  the  same  in  all  the  districts.  This  makes 
necessary  a  drastic  radical  reorganization  of  the  fortes  of  our  League.  Every 
Y.  C.  L.'er  must  be  active  in  a  mass  organisation,  arul  I  speak  not  of  our  sympa- 
thetic organizations,  but  of  the  real  miss  organizations  of  American  youth. 
The  slogan  put  forth  at  our  convention  of  20  percent  of  Y.  C.  L.  members  in  mass 
organizations  must  be  rejected  as  incorrect.  Our  slogan  and  immediate  aim  must 
be :  Every  Y.  C.  L.'er  active  in  a  mass  organization. 

This  slogan  demands  boldness  and  decisiveness  on  our  part.  In  the  ne.xt  few 
weeks  we  must  go  over  our  League  section  by  section,  and  unit  by  imit,  sending 
our  members  into  the  most  important  youth  organisations.  Here  too,  we  must 
not  alone  send  individual  comrades  into  mass  orjranizations,  but  whole  street 
units.  The  creation  of  units  in  these  mass  organizations  is  far  more  important 
for  us  than  street  units.  For  it  is  in  these  oi'ganizations  where  we  come  in 
contact  with  large  masses  of  youth.  The  unit  in  the  mass  oi-ganization  is  only 
second  in  importance  to  the  shop  unit,  and  hundreds  of  our  present  street  units 
must  be  transformed  into  units  in  these  most  important  organizations. 

While  in  most  districts  the  major  problem  is  to  send  the  bulk  of  our  members 
Into  these  orgnni:^ations  of  the  youth,  in  smne  places  the  problem  is  to  reorganize 
the  work  of  our  present  League  so  as  to  give  leadership  to  our  comrades  already 
in  these  organizations.  For  example,  in  the  South  we  have  more  than  300 
members  who  are  also  members  of  church  youth  organizations — especially  the 
Baptist  Young  Peoples  Union.  In  this  district  (Alobama)  the  problem  confront- 
ing the  leadership  is  to  completely  change  the  organization  structure  of  the 
League.  Where  possible,  we  should  build  shop  unit.'?  and  everywhere  else  units 
in  the  church  youth  organizations.     Why?     Because  in  the'  South,  especially  for 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2223 

the  Negro  youth,  the  church  is  the  center  of  all  cultural  and  social  activity.  It 
is  here  that  we  must  worlc.  By  building  our  units  in  the  church  organizations 
we  can  also  improve  our  work  under  the  illegal  conditions,  as  it  will  he  easier  to 
worli  In  the  church  organizations.  In  Alahuma  tlu're  are  certain  places  in  wliich 
we  can  in  a  short  while  take  over  the  church  oig;inizations  of  youth  under  our 
leadership,  and  these  can  hecome  legal  covers  for  our  work  in  the  South. 

However,  our  League  in  the  North  is  not  like  tliat  in  the  South.  In  most 
districts  the  prohlem  of  work  in  the  mass  orgainzations  will  be  more  difficult. 
We  will  have  to  teach  many  of  our  comi'ades  how  to  work  in  these  organizations. 
There  is  a  big  diffor(>nce  between  work  in  the  street  and  work  in  a  mass  organiza- 
tion. On  the  street,  comrades  put  up  a  soapbox  and  speak  to  the  workers.  Those 
who  are  interested  listen.  Others  who  are  not,  go  away.  Sometimes  our  com- 
rades get  away  with  making  general  rah-rah  speeches.  But  in  the  mass  organiza- 
tions rah-iah  speeches  will  not  go.  Our  comrades  will  have  to  learn  how  to 
speak  simi)ly  and  to  the  point.  They  will  have  to  learn  how  to  answer  the 
argtiments  of  skilled,  trained  leaders,  many  of  whom  have  had  years  and  years 
of  experience  in  miseducating  youth. 

We  have  already  seen  sectarian  tendencies  to  solve  this  problem  by  creating 
'  inside  these  organizations  narrow  discussion  groups  or  clubs  of  sympathizers. 
Among  these  our  conu-ades  feel  at  home  and  at  the  same  time  ease  their  conscience 
in  the  belief  that  this  constitutes  work  in  these  organizations.  We  must  fight 
against  the  creation  of  these  narrow  groups.  Our  comrades  must  attend  the 
lectures  and  activities  of  the  whole  organization.  They  must  be  where  the 
majority  of  youth  are  and  not  isolated  from  them.  We  have  an  advantage  today 
that  we  did  not  have  at  the  time  of  our  Convention.  Our  Comrades  can  enter 
any  settlement  house  or  "Y"  and  speak  to  the  youth  on  the  basis  of  the  program 
of  the  American  Youth  Congress.  Around  this  broad  program  our  comrades 
can  educate  the  youth,  set  up  committees  for  the  Youth  Congress,  and  draw  the 
most  advanced  youth  into  the  Y.  C.  L. 

Our  work  in  these  Settlement  Houses,  "Y's"  and  Church  organizations  must 
result  in  rapid  recruitment  for  the  Y.  C.  L.  This  is  of  great  importance  not  alone 
because  we  must  numerically  strengthen  our  League,  but  because  exi)erience 
shows  tliat  the  comrades  we  now  send  into  these  organizations  will,  in  most 
cases,  not  become  the  recognized  leaders  of  these  youth  for  some  time  to  come — 
and  some  of  them  not  at  all.  These  comrades  we  send  in  can  immediately  make 
friends,  can  develop  influence,  can  recruit,  but  to  become  the  leaders  of  these  youth 
we  need  something  more. 

In  New  York,  for  example,  most  of  the  youth  who  are  today  active  in  Settle- 
ment Houses  have  been  active  in  these  for  many  years.  They  entered  when  they 
were  children  and  graduated  from  one  group  to  another,  and  in  the  course  of 
years  became  known  to  thousands  of  children  and  youth.  We  cannot  expect  that 
a  comrade  we  send  in  to  a  House  for  the  first  time  should  immediately  become 
known  to  all  youth  and  accepted  by  them  as  a  leader.  That  is  why  by  re- 
cruiting from  the  youth  in  these  Houses  we  will  get  for  our  League,  a  new 
type  of  Y.  C.  Ler — one  who  is  known  in  his  organization,  who  grew  up  with  it 
and  is  accepted  as  one  of  the  fellows.  It  is  from  these  new  recruits  that  our 
leadership  for  these  organizations  will  come.  This  does  not  mean  that  our 
comrades  who  go  into  these  organizations  should  enter  with  an  exaggerated  idea 
of  their  difficulties.  Experience  has  already  proven  how  easily  otir  comrades 
can  recruit  and  build  the  League  if  they  work  correctly.  Just  a  few  examples : 
In  the  Bronx  House  in  New  York  we  had  two  or  three  comrades.  In  a  few 
weeks  of  work  they  discovered  some  five  youths  in  the  House  who  formerly  had 
been  members  of  the  Young  Pioneers.  These  are  now  in  the  Y".  C.  L.  In  the 
Y.  M.  H.  A.  we  had  four  comrades.  These  set  themselves  up  as  a  committee  to 
form  a  unit.  In  three  weeks  a  unit  was  established  with  twelve  members.  In 
a  '"Y"  in  Philadelphia,  in  a  period  of  three  weeks  two  or  three  comrades  also 
multiplied  themselves  into  a  unit  of  ten.  These  examples  must  be  duplicated 
in  hundreds  of  mass  organizations. 


"Victory  never  comes,  by  itself— it  has  to  be  dragged  by  the  hand.  Good 
resolutions  and  declarations  in  favor  of  the  general  line  of  the  Party  are  only 
a  beginning,  they  merely  express  the  desire  to  win,  but  it  is  not  victory.  After 
the  correct  line  has  been  given,  after  the  correct  solution  of  the  problem  has 
been  found,  success  depends  on  the  manner  in  which  the  work  is  organized,  on 
the  organization  of  the  struggle  for  the  application  of  the  line  of  the  Party, 


2224         COIMMUNIST    ACTrV^TIES    IX    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

on  the  proper  selection  of  workers,  on  supervising  the  fulfillment  of  the  decisions 
of  the  leading  organs." 

Stalin. 

******* 

Mr.  Johnson.  In  the  pamphlet  The  Party  Organizer,  March  1935, 
this  is  a  special  issue  by  the  Central  Committee  of  the  Communist 
Party. 

Mr.  Claedy.  Wliat  is  the  Party  Organizer,  and  what  is  its  purpose  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  Communist  Party  Organizer  is  a  restricted  Com- 
munist publication.  By  "restricted"  I  mean  it  is  limited  only  to  Com- 
munist Party  members. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mean  distributed  only  to  them  ? 

ISIr.  Johnson.  Only  to  them. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Sort  of  a  confidential  report  more  or  less  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  is. 

JNIr.  Clardy.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Here  is  an  article  written  by  Fred  Brown,  alias 
Alpi,  A-l-p-i,  alias  Marini,  who  was  for  years  a  Communist  Inter- 
national technical  agent  assigned  to  work  with  the  American  Com- 
munist Party  by  the  Communist  International. 

A  few  years  ago  he  fled  from  the  United  States.  He  is  at  the  present 
time  active  in  the  Communist  Party  of  Italy. 

JSIr.  Doyle.  Which  name  did  he  usually  go  by  ? 

INIr.  Johnson.  He  went  under  the  name  of  Fred  Brown  and  Alpi. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  organizational  department  of  the  Communist 
Party  National  Committee. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Did  I  understand  you  to  say  he  came  from  Kussia  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  was  sent  here  by  the  Commmiist  International 
as  a  technical  representative  or  agent. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Does  that  mean  he  came  direct  from  Russia? 

Mr.  Johnson.  From  Moscow,  who  ordered  him  here,  in  accordance 
with  the  provisions  of  the  program  of  the  Communist  International. 
In  this  article — and  I  quote 

Mr.  Clardy.  Pardon  me,  may  I  interrupt  you?  Do  you  want  to 
have  all  that  article  put  into  the  thing  and  marked  as  an  exhibit,  or 
is  there  only  a  portion  of  it  that  you  want  to  read? 

Mr.  Johnson.  There  are  only  two  paragraphs  of  it  that  I  want  to 
read. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right,  read  it.  Instead  of  marking  it,  you  go  ahead 
and  read  it. 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  subtitle  is  "Into  the  Negro  Organizations." 

This  is  the  first  paragraph : 

Comrades  Browder,  Edwards,  and  Forcl  have  spoken  about  the  necessity  of 
making  a  turn  in  our  Nesro  work,  of  learning  from  our  experiences  in  the 
trade-union  work  on  how  to  connect  ourselves  with  the  organized  masses.  While 
the  influence  of  the  party  is  increasing  among  the  Negro  masses,  yet  organiza- 
tionally they  are  still  detached  from  us.  In  the  United  States  there  are  5  million 
of  the  Negro  population  organized  in  fraternal  organizations,  10  million  in 
churches. 

The  problem  of  how  to  penetrate  these  organizations  is  of  the  utmost  political 
importance  for  us.  We  must  systematically  study  how  to  penetrate  among  the 
millions  of  organized  Negro  workers.  It  is  not  only  a  political,  but  also  an 
organizational  problem.  We  must  not  be  content  with  the  United  Front  es- 
tablished at  the  top.  These  United  Front  conferences  are  not  giving  results 
and  cannot  give  results  if  their  decisions  are  not  brought  down  into  the  branches 
of  these  organizations.     But  in  order  for  decisions  to  go  down,  there  must  be 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2225 

somebody  down  below  to  fi^iht  for  these  decisions.  Therefore,  if  we  want  to 
mobilize  the  organized  Negro  masses,  we  must  have  forces  inside  of  these 
organizations. 

Now,  I  was  present  at  the  meeting  of  the  National  Conniiittee  of  the 
Communist  Party  in  1935  when  Comrades  Browder,  Edwards,  and 
Ford  s])oke  on  this  subject. 

Mr.  Claiu)y.  Where  was  this? 

Mr.  Johnson.  This  was  hehl  in  the  city  of  New  York  in  1935. 

Now,  BroAvder,  as  you  know,  was  formerly  general  secretary  of  the 
Communist  Barty  of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  was  also  a 
member  of  the  executive  conniiittee  of  the  Communist  International. 
Edwards  went  under  the  name  of  Brown.  His  real  name  is  Gerhart 
Eisler,  tlie  Communist  International  representative  who  fled  our  coun- 
try on  the  Batovy  to  the  eastern  part  of  Germany,  where  at  the  present 
time  he  holds  a  high  and  responsible  post  there.  Ford  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  National  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party,  a  member  of 
the  Political  Bureau  of  the  Communist  Party.  He  was  vice  presi- 
dential candidate  on  the  Communist  Party  ticket  for  Vice  President 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  also  head  of  the  Negro  commission  of 
the  national  committee  responsible  for  the  infiltration  of  Negro  organ- 
izations and  the  winning  of  the  Negro  masses  in  this  country  for 
rebellion. 

^Ir.  Clardy.  Is  he  1  of  the  11  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  he  was  not.  Ford  was  disgraced  along  with 
Browder  at  the  end  of  the  war  when  the  cold  war  M'as  initiated  by 
Soviet  Russia,  and  he  was  given  a  minor  position  in  the  Bedford- 
Stuyvesant  section  of  Brooklyn. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Did  the  Communists  ever  try  to  actually  get  into  some 
of  our  Negro  religious  groups,  such  as  Father  Divine's  group? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  they  did,  and  I  wish  to  quote  from  the  Com- 
munist International  which  was  the  theoretical  organ  of  the  world 
organization  of  Communists  called  the  Communist  International, 
which  is  now  known  as  the  Communist  Information  Bureau. 

This  article  was  written  by  R.  Palme  Dutt. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  What  is  the  date  and  time  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  May  5,  1935,  published  by  the  Workers  Library 
Publishers,  on  page  503.     I  quote : 

An  inexcusable  blunder  occurred  in  the  course  of  building  up  the  United 
Front  actions  in  Harlem  (Father  Divine's  religious  followers).  A  comrade 
(see  Daily  Worker,  April  9,  1935,  article  on  Harlem  by  O.  Johnson)  in  a  most 
careless  manner  branded  this  preacher  without  concrete  evidence  as  a  racketeer, 
classifying  him  with  gangster  racketeers,  ignoring  a  more  tactful  approach  to 
this  person  who  has  under  his  influence  thousands  of  sincere  Negroes  who  are 
seeking  a  way  out  and  who  have  demonstrated  with  us  against  war  and 
fascism. 

Such  a  blunder  drives  a  wedge  between  us  and  the  masses  and  confuses 
our  theoretical  program  because  of  bad  practice.  Before  we  can  sufficiently 
enlighten  his  followers  of  the  futility  of  religious  ideology  and  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  our  program  and  the  need  for  a  united  struggle  against  worsening 
conditions,  they  are  driven  away  from  us.  This  is  not  convincing  the  masses. 
It  is  name  calling.  Through  organized  educational  scientific  antlreligious 
propaganda  we  seek  to  rid  the  mas.ses  of  their  religious  prejudices.  We  must 
carefully  avoid  any  offense  that  will  strengthen  religious  fanaticism  (see  the 
Communist,  April  193.5,  Religion  and  Communism,  by  Earl  Browder.)  These 
mistakes  in  the  United  Front  tactic  appeared  in  enlarged  forms  in  other  cases 
(Herndon,  Lee  Armwood,  Camp  Hill,  and  Tuscaloosa),  where  the  struggle  as 
far  as  the  United  Front  is  concerned  assumed  more  of  the  character  of  a 
protest   (letters  and  delegations)  campaign  from  the  North  and  mainly  a  legal 


2226  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

battle  in  the  South.  No  doubt  the  most  difficult  task  in  this  work  was  to 
extend  the  United  Front.  The  Communist  workers  have  penetrated  into  new 
organizations,  have  brought  new  workers  under  our  influence  to  accept  revolu- 
tionary methods  of  struggle  and  in  general  have  made  inroads  among  the 
Negro  masses  that  at  times  seriously  threatened  the  reformist  leadershin  of 
some  organizations. 

Now,  further  on  this  subject,  which  was  quite  a  hot  issue  in  tho 
party  at  tliat  particuhir  time,  which  was  discussed  in  the  top  ciYcU^f, 
of  the  party  and  in  the  party  press,  Earl  Browder.  in  his  book,  What 
is  Communism?,  in  1936,  Workers  Library  Publishers,  speaking  on 
the  issue  of  Father  Divine,  had  this  to  say,  and  I  quote : 

We  have  nothing  in  common  with  the  religions  beliefs  of  Father  Divine 
in  whose  fantastic  features  we  see  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  all  re- 
ligions, but  we  have  much  in  common  with  the  masses  of  Negroes  who  follow 
Father  Divine.  They  are  our  people.  We  will  fight  for  them  and  for  their 
interests.  We  will  do  everything  possible  to  draw  them  into  the  common 
struggle  against  a  common  foe.  the  capitalist  system.  We  will  not  deny  them 
the  right  to  religious  beliefs  that  we  grant  to  Catholic  workers.  Jewish  workers, 
or  members  of  the  numerous  Protestant  sects.    We  will  fight  for  all  of  them. 

At  the  same  time,  we  reserve  our  own  right  to  oppose  all  religious  superstition 
wherever  we  find  it,  and  with  the  most  effective  means  at  our  disposal. 

Mr.  D0YI.E.  Eight  at  that  point,  Mr.  Chairman,  on  the  article  you 
read  just  prior  to  this  one  there  was  this  language — to  accept  revolu- 
tionary methods.    Do  3^ou  remember  reading  that? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Doyle.  From  your  own  personal  experience  what  is  meant  by 
revolutionary  methods  as  used  in  that  article? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  means  actions  which  tend  to  weaken  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  and  lay  the  groundwork  for  its  destruc- 
tion— for  example,  by  starting  a  campaign,  let  us  say,  around  the 
issue  of  Scottsboro.  That  is  familiar  to  most  people,  and  in  the 
course  of  starting  this  campaign  for  the  freedom  of  the  Scottsboro 
boys,  they  will  link  it  up  with  the  whole  social  system,  and  in  the 
course  of  this  development  they  will  attempt  to  show  those  who  are 
attracted  on  the  issues  involved  in  the  Scottsboro  case  that  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Scottsboro  boys  is  a  part  of  the  economic  system  where 
Negroes  do  not  get  justice,  that  the  courts  are  controlled  by  the  capital- 
ists, and  they  are  therefore  the  enemies  of  the  Negro,  and  that  the  only 
way  the  Negroes  can  completely  do  away  with  lynching  by  rope  or 
lynching  by  the  courts  is  to  rebel  and  to  overthrow  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.     In  other  words,  they  use  a  legitimate 

Mr.  DoTLE.  Overthrow  how? 

Mr.  Johnson.  By  force  and  violence. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  do  you  mean  by  force  and  violence? 

Mr.  Johnson.  By  bloody,  forceful  revolution,  civil  war. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Do  t  understand  that  the  Communist  Party  then  re- 
vealed the  fact  to  this  Negro  youth  and  the  Baptist  religious  denomi- 
nations and  other  religious  denominations  that  you  referred  to  in 
that  pamphlet — did  they  go  to  that  extreme  to  reveal  that  it  might 
be  necessary  someday  to  use  force  and  violence  to  overthrow  our  form 
of  government? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  they  went 

Mr.  DoYi.E.  You  notice  my  question  is  directed  to  the  young  people. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  they  started  out  with  simple  grievances  of  the 
youth  in  order  to  attract  them.  Then  they  twisted  these  issues  around 
.so  as  to  give  them  political  and  revolutionary  content  and  direction, 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2227 

in  the  same  sense  as  they  used  the  issue  of  preace  and  war  in  order  to 
attack  our  social  system,  prepare  the  masses  ideologically  for  the 
sabotage  of  our  industry  and  our  transportation  system. 

They  used  it  against  our  courts;  they  use  it  against  the  Congress 
of  tlie  United  States ;  in  short,  against  our  whole  governmental  system 
in  all  of  its  institutions. 

Mr.  Doyle.  All  right,  thank  you. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  is  that  same  thing  that  impels  them  to  act  as  they 
do  before  this  committee,  is  it  not  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  us  take  about  a  5-minute  break  at  this  juncture. 

( Whereupon  a  short  recess  was  taken. ) 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  documents  which  act  as 
examples  of  how  the  Communists  infiltrate  religion? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

The  united  front  in  the  field  of  Negi'o  work,  the  Communist,  by 
James  W.  Ford,  Workers  Library  Publishers,  page  169,  February 
1935: 

There  are  thousands  of  organizations  among  Negroes,  such  as  fraternal  organi- 
zations, lodges,  social  clubs,  West  Indian  organizations,  independent  trade  unions, 
locals  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  youth  and  Greek-letter  societies,  churches,  and  affiliated 
social  groups.  They  can  be  approached  with  the  conception  of  Scottsboro  as  a 
symbol  of  national  oppression  and  for  national  liberation.  We  must  not  come  to 
these  organizations  with  their  varying  programs  with  the  idea  of  destroying  them 
but  with  the  idea  of  bringing  them  nearer  to  the  program  of  the  League  of 
Struggle  for  Negro  Rights.  Whatever  the  character  of  the  organization,  we 
can  by  correct  appeal  orientate  a  phase  of  it  to  Scottsboro  and  the  LSNR 
liberation  program. 

The  united  front  in  the  field  of  Negro  work,  The  Communist,  by 
James  W.  Ford,  Workers  Library  Publishers,  Februarv  1935,  pages 
170-171:  y  ^i   h 

The  church  represents  a  fertile  field  for  work ;  as  an  institution  it  has  solid 
contact  with  the  Negi-o  masses,  forming  a  social  as  well  as  a  religious  center. 
Long  before  there  were  social  ciubs,  meeting  halls,  or  fraternal  halls  the  church 
served  their  purposes.  Marriages,  baptisms,  funerals,  drama,  amusements,  reli- 
gion, all  of  the  features  of  Negro  social  activities  were  bound  up  in  the  church. 
When  we  go  among  the  masses  of  the  church  to  win  support  for  Scottsboro  we 
do  not  go  in  to  raise  the  religious  issue.  Recently  at  an  open  forum  on  religion  a 
Negro  woman  member  of  a  church,  said  during  "the  discussion :  "You  know  you 
Communists  have  been  sent  by  God  to  do  the  work  you  are  doing,  but  you  don't 
know  it."  Should  we  argue  with  such  a  woman  about  this  statement  when  we 
are  trying  to  make  a  united  front  on  Scottsboro?  Of  course  not.  It  would  be 
stupid.  If  this  woman  l)elieves  that  her  religion  can  play  a  revolutionary  role 
to  the  extent  of  supporting  us  on  Scottsboro,  this  gives  us  a  starting  point  for 
building  the  United  Front  on  Scottsboro.  If  we  get  the  United  Front  on  Scotts- 
boro other  things  will  take  care  of  themselves  if  we  act  intelligently  and  know 
how  to  follow  through. 

Problems  of  National  Groups  in  United  States,  The  Communist,  by 
Irene  Browcler,  May  1939,  pages  462-463  : 

It  is  the  greatest  mistake  to  deal  with  the  Church,  whether  Catholic  or  Prot- 
estant, as  one  reactionary  mass.  The  same  political  divisions  run  through  it 
as  through  society  in  general,  determined  by  much  the  same  considerations. 
Class  divisions  are,  of  course,  the  basic  ones,  and  we  can  always  rouse  the 
democratic  instincts  and  sympathies  of  working-class  members  of  the  church, 
and  can  often  reach  them  effectively  through  their  church,  provided  we  do  not 
offend  their  religious  susceptibilities  and  thereby  throw  them  back  under  the 
influence  of  reactionary  religious  leaders. 

To  ignore  such  obvious  differences  and  their  profound  political  significance 
would  be  childish  stupidity. 

33909 — 53— pt.  S 3 


2228         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  you  testified  previously  in  New  York 
and  here  today  that  you  knew  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward.  If  you  have  any 
further  testimony  regarding  Dr.  Ward  or  any  further  information,  I 
should  appreciate  your  stating  it  before  the  subcommittee  at  tliis  time. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  have  additional  information.  It  is  more  or 
less  documentary,  and  I  would  like  to  offer  it  to  you. 

The  first  is  an  article  in  the  Daily  Worker  dated  Thursday,  May  7, 
1953.  Along  with  this  article  is  a  picture  of  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward. 
The  newspaper  story  is  headed  "Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward's  Achievements 
Recounted  at  Dinner  in  His  Honor." 

Mr.  Clardy.  As  I  understand  it,  you  hold  the  actual  copy  of  the 
issue  of  the  Worker  you  mention  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct ;  and  I  would  like  to  submit  this  for 
the  consideration  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Have  it  marked  as  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  21," 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Ex- 
hibit No.  21,"  and  I  offer  it  into  evidence  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  copy  of  the  article  in  the  Daily  Worker  dated  Thursday,  May 
7,  1953,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  21.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  21 

(Daily  Worker,  New  York,  May  7,  1953,  p.  7) 

Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward's  Achievements  Recounted  at  Dinner  in  His  Honor 

(By  David  Piatt) 

Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  one  of  America's  noblemen,  who  will  soon  reach  his  80th 
birthday,  was  guest  of  honor  at  a  dinner  at  Hotel  McAlpin  the  other  night.  The 
affair  was  sponsored  by  Now  World  Review,  a  progressive  monthly  devoted  to 
circulating  the  truth  about  the  Socialist  and  People's  Democracies  abroad. 

The  magazine  brought  out  several  hundred  friends  and  former  students  of 
Dr.  Ward,  and  some  of  those  who  knew  him  well,  like  Rev.  Jack  McMichael,  of 
the  Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Action ;  Corliss  Lamont ;  Paul  Robeson ; 
Frederick  Field ;  and  Jessica  Smith,  editor  of  New  World  Review,  told  the  others 
of  how  Dr.  Ward's  teachings  enriched  them  personally  and  how  his  tremendous 
work  for  brotherhood,  peace,  and  justice  has  influenced  the  nation  as  a  whole. 

"His  influence  on  the  churches  of  this  country  is  incalculable,"  said  Rev.  Mc- 
Michael, one  of  Dr.  Ward's  former  students  at  Union  Theological  Seminary,  in 
his  stirring  account  of  the  life  of  this  "rare  scholar  and  man  of  action." 

"When  you  see  ministers  taking  a  courageous  stand  on  civil  liberties  and 
peace,  it  is  because  of  the  inspiration  of  Dr.  Ward's  work." 

*  *  *  *  *  «  • 

Other  speakers  noted  the  enormous  amount  of  activity  that  Dr.  Ward  has  been 
involved  in  during  the  past  half  century. 

He  is  the  author  of  15  books  since  1913  and  has  a  new  one  coming  out  soon. 

He  was  for  years  chairman  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 
and  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy. 

He  was  general  secretary  of  the  Methodist  Federation  of  Social  Service  from 
1911  to  1944. 

He  was  professor  of  Christian  Ethics  at  Union  Theological  Seminary  for 
25  years  and  chairman  of  American  Civil  Liberties  Union  from  1920  to  1940. 

Jes'sica  Smith  pointed  out  a  few  more  things  about  Dr.  Ward,  such  as  his 
activity  in  the  British  labor  movement  as  far  back  as  1889.  He  knew  the 
British  labor  leader  Tom  Mann,  she  said,  and  was  himself  a  worker  when  he 
came  to  America  as  a  young  lad  of  17. 

He  was  a  rancher  and  teamster  and  worked  with  Sidney  Hillman  in  the 
great  garment  strike  that  brought  about  the  birth  of  the  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers  Union. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES   IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2229 

He  knew  William  Z.  Foster  and  Eugene  Debs. 

He  studied  the  works  of  Marx  and  Engels  and  learned  what  was  the  basis 
of  the  thinking  of  these  Socialist  giants. 

Ho  went  to  the  Soviet  Union  in  1SJ24  and  in  1931  spent  a  whole  year  there 
studying  the  incentives  of  socialism,  out  of  which  came  his  book,  In  Place 
of  Profit. 

How  did  Dr.  Ward  find  time  to  do  all  the  things  he  did?  The  answer,  said 
Corliss  Lamont,  is  to  be  found  in  a  poem  by  Alfred  Tennyson,  "His  strength  was 
as  the  strenuth  of  ten  because  his  heart  is  pure !" 

The  entire  audience  I)roke  into  applause  when  Dr.  Ward  came  to  the  mike. 

After  paying  a  moving  compliment  to  his  wife  who  was  seated  on  the  plat- 
form. Dr.  Ward,  in  words  of  great  eloquence  called  for  a  counteroffensive  against 
the  warmakers. 

"The  Eisenhower  administration  declares  that  peace  is  subversive.  Very 
well.  Ivct  our  answer  then  be  not  defense  but  the  most  terrific  counteroffensive 
this  Nation  has  ever  seen.     Let  us  answer  that  war  is  subversive. 

"It  is  war  that  is  destroying  the  Bill  of  Rights  and  undermining  the  Con- 
stitution. War  is  bringing  fascism  to  our  doorstep.  War  is  submerging  peace. 
War  is  taking  money  needed  for  education  and  health  and  subverting  the  social 
wellbeing  of  the  whole  Nation.  These  are  the  things  we  must  make  the  people 
see.  Let  that  be  our  answer  to  the  Department  of  Justice."  (Tremendous 
applause ! ) 

Earlier  in  the  evening,  INIr.  Lamont  drove  home  to  the  audience  the  threat 
to  the  press  in  McCarthy's  drive  against  civil  liberties,  pointing  out  that  even 
the  violent  anli-Conimunist  paper,  the  N.  Y.  Post,  is  having  its  trouble  with 
McCarthy.  This  paper,  he  said,  offers  the  "greatest  possible  lesson  to  all 
liberals  and  progressives. 

"The  Post  tried  to  win  safety  through  the  dirtiest  redbaiting  you  can  imagine. 
James  Wechsler  thought  he  could  win  safety  and  security  for  his  paper  by 
attacking  the  Communists  and  the  Soviet  Union  on  eveiw  possible  occasion. 
Has  it  done  him  any  good?  It  has  not.  Winchell  is  after  him  and  McCarthy 
is  after  him,  and  though  Wechsler  grovels  on  the  ground,  he  can't  get  away 
from  him." 

The  situation  on  The  Post,  said  Lamont  is  proof  that  the  drive  against 
civil  liberties  is  against  anybody  "left  of  President  McKinley — anybody  who 
has  any  ideas  at  all." 

The  thing  to  do,  he  said,  as  the  audience  applauded  vigorously,  is  for  every- 
body who  believes  in  freedom  of  the  press  to  "stand  firm  and  tight  until  the 
McCarthyites  are  beaten." 

*  *  «  *  4:  *  • 

Theodore  Bozal  of  the  United  Furniture  Workers,  CIO  Local  92,  contributed 
his  bit  to  this  splendid  evening  by  telling  of  his  recent  trip  to  the  Soviet  Union 
and  Peoples  Poland  and  of  the  tremendous  peace  feeling  he  encountered 
everywhere. 

Here  in  America,  he  said,  "we  are  accustomed  to  seeing  nothing  but  com- 
mercial advertising  on  billboards.  In  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  I  saw  hundreds  of  billboards 
advertising  'We  are  for  Peace.'  " 

m  *****  * 

Robeson's  marvelous  singing  of  Climbing  Jacob's  Ladder  and  other  songs, 
accompanied  by  Alan  Booth  on  the  piano  stirred  everyone  at  this  inspiring 
tribute  to  Dr.  Ward  described  by  chairman  Frederick  V.  Field  as  "one  of  the 
American  leaders  of  the  new  world  in  whom  is  combined  that  fusion  of  intelli- 
gence, understanding,  and  progressive  leadership  which  is  the  mark  of  true 
greatness." 

Mr.  Johnson.  Now,  I  would  also  like  to  quote  from  a  pamphlet 
entitled  "Socialism— What's  in  It  for  You?''  by  A.  B.  Magil,  New 
Century  Publishers.  A.  B.  Magil  has  for  years  been  a  national  leader 
of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  United  States. 

Now,  Magil  in  this  pamphlet  states  the  following,  and  I  quote : 

There  are  religious  people  who,  far  from  considering  socialism  a  menace,  see 
in  it  the  fulfillment  of  the  ethical  principles  of  their  faith.  It  is  this  that  has 
attracted  to  socialism  distinguished  clergymen  like  the  Dean  of  Canterbury,  Dr. 
Harry  F.  Ward,  professor  emeritus  of  Christian  Ethics  at  Union  Theological 


2230         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Seminary,  and  Reverend  Eliot  White,  formerly  of  the  Grace  Episcopal  Church 
of  New  York. 

The  next  quote  deals  with  Harry  F.  Ward  and  is  taken  from  a  pam- 
phlet written  by  Earl  Browder  in  1936  called  Democracy  or  Fascism?, 
Workers  Library  Publishers.  This  pamphlet  is  made  up  from  the 
report  of  Earl  Browder  to  the  ninth  national  convention  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  in  1936.  I  was  present  at  the  ninth  convention  of  the 
Communist  Party  in  New  York  City  held  at  Manhattan  Center  on 
34th  Street  when  this  report  was  made.  I  was  a  delegate,  and  it  was 
at  that  convention  that  I  was  elected  to  membership  on  the  national 
committee. 

In  the  report  Browder  mentioned  the  splendid  work  of  Dr.  Harry 
F.  Ward  as  one  of  the  finer  types  of  comrades  or  party  members.  He 
stated  that — 

It  is  impossible  to  speak  of  the  American  League  and  its  work  without  noting 
the  outstanding  contribution  of  its  tireless  and  devoted  chairman,  Dr.  Harry  F. 
Ward. 

Mr.  Clardy.  By  American  League,  of  course  you  mean  the  Ameri- 
can League  Against  War  and  Fascism  ? 
Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 
I  continue : 

Such  selfless  and  consistent  service  to  a  progressive  cause  as  Dr.  Ward  has 
given  will  always  receive  the  unstinted  recognition  and  support  of  the  Commu- 
nist Party. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  have  of  your  own  knowledge  placed  Dr.  Ward  in 
the  party,  and  you  have  so  testified  repeatedly  before  us.  Now,  what 
you  have  laeen  giving  us  is  some  documentary  confirmation  of  precisely 
what  you,  yourself,  have  testified  to. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG,  Mr.  Johnson,  do  you  know  anything  about  the  United 
Christian  Council  for  Democracy? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  do. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Did  you  ever  have  any  experience  with  that  group  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  personally  never  worked  with  the  group  itself  be- 
cause the  group  was  formed,  according  to  my  best  recollection,  in  1939, 
and  that  was  the  first  time  that  I  had  heard  of  it.  It  was  one  of  those 
organizations  that  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  infiltrating  the 
various  religious  denominations  throughout  the  country. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  If  you  had  no  personal  knowledge,  then  what  is  your 
source  of  knowledge  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  My  source  of  knowledge  may  be  found  in  the 
pamphlet  or  magazine  known  as  the  Protestant  Digest. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  me  interrupt  you.  I  am  not  sure  that  either  you 
or  counsel  are  quite  accurate  in  the  way  you  phrased  it.  You  as  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party  must  have  had  some  knowledge  of 
this  subject.  Suppose  you  tell  us  what  the  extent  of  that  knowledge 
was. 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  extent  of  my  knowledge  was  that  this  organiza- 
tion existed  and  that  it  had  a  program  similar  to  that  of  the  Methodist 
Federation  for  Social  Service. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right,  now  I  will  ask  you  another  one.  In  your 
contacts  with  other  members  of  the  Communist  Party  was  the  subject 
discussed  so  that  out  of  all  of  these  meetings  with  others  you  picked 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2231 

lip  knowledge  about  the  movement  and  about  this  other  arm  of  the 
party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  it  was  of  general  knowledge.  It  was  mentioned 
incidentally  in  discussion  of  work  in  religious  organization. 

(Representative  Clyde  Doyle  left  the  hearing  room  at  this  point.) 

Mr.  Johnson.  At  the  particular  time  I  was  mainly  involved  in  work 
in  the  trade  unions.  Consequently,  I  did  not  make  myself  familiar 
with  the  organization  or  its  program.  I  was  content  just  to  accept 
on  the  basis  of  the  mere  mention  of  it  that  it  was  a  new  Communist 
front  that  was  organized. 

Mr.  Ci^vRDY.  So  while  you  knew  it  was  organized,  and  you  knew 
from  others  what  it  was  doing  and  its  general  method  of  operation, 
yon  were  not  part  of  that  particular  piece  of  apparatus? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No  ;  I  was  not. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right,  now  proceed. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  am  only  testifying  on  this  as  an  expert. 

Mr.  Clardy.  That,  sir,  is  a  good  statement  of  the  position  I  think 
370U  occupy  on  this  subject.    Go  right  ahead. 

Mr.  Johnson.  In  the  Protestant  Digest  of  April  1939,  published  by 
the  Protestant  Digest  Council  for  Democracy,  there  is  an  article, 
United  Christian  Council  for  Democracy,  which  sets  forth  the  aims, 
purposes,  and  objectives  of  this  organization  and  the  list  of  its  officers. 

Speaking  as  an  expert  on  the  strength  of  this  article  the  program  as 
set  forth  in  it  indicates  that  the  policy  of  the  organization  is  based 
upon  the  program  of  the  Communist  Party  for  the  infiltration  of  the 
various  Protestant  denominations  on  the  basis  of  conditioning  them 
mentally,  organizationally  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Again  you  have  just  one  issue  or  photostat  or  part  of 
one  issue  dated  sometime  in  1939  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr,  Clardy.  Is  that  magazine  still  being  published,  but  under  a 
di  ff erent  name  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  was  published,  to  my  knowledge,  up  until  the 
fifties  under  the  name  of  the  Protestant  Digest. 

]Mr.  Clardy.  We  have  had  some  testimony  in  the  files  from  other 
witnesses  prior  to  now.    Any  more  comment  on  that  ? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  in  my  hand  the  pamphlet  which 
has  just  been  read  from  by  the  witness  which  has  been  marked  "Man- 
ning Johnson  Exhibit  No.  22,"  and  I  should  like  to  offer  this  exhibit 
into  evidence  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  pamphlet  Protestant  Digest,  April  1939,  was  received  in  evi- 
dence as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  22.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  22 

(The  Protestant  Digest,  April  1939,  pp.  61-63) 

United  Christian  Council  fob  Democracy 

PURPOSE 

To  bring  together  for  education  and  united  action  members  in  all  Christian 
chui'clies  who  are  intent  upon  expressing  the  social  imperatives  inherent  in  the 
Christian  religion. 


2232         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

A  STATEMENT  OF  PEINCIPLES 

Our  Christian  faith  in  a  God  of  love  and  righteousness,  our  acceptance  of  the 
prophetic  command  to  do  justice  and  love  mercy,  our  obedience  to  Jesus'  teach- 
ings concerning  the  values  and  possibilities  of  human  life,  leave  us  vpith  no 
alternative  save  to  labor  for  a  radically  new  society. 

Therefore,  moved  by  the  joint  compulsion  of  the  desperate  needs  of  human 
society  and  the  inescapable  demands  of  the  Christian  faith  and  hope,  vre  unite 
around  the  following  basic  principles : 

1.  We  reject  the  profit-seeking  economy  and  the  capitalistic  way  of  life  with 
its  private  ownership  of  the  things  upon  which  the  lives  of  all  depend. 

2.  We  seek  to  establish  a  social  economy  which,  under  social  ownership  and 
democratic  control  of  the  common  means  of  life,  will  make  possible  the  highest 
potential  development  of  persons  and  society. 

3.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  resolute  effort  to  accomplish  this  basic  change  in 
the  organization  of  society  by  the  democratic  process. 

4.  We  propose  to  support  the  necessary  political  and  economic  action  to  im- 
plement these  aims. 

5.  In  all  this  we  rely  upon  the  availability  of  spiritual  resources  adequate  for 
the  redemption  of  society. 

THE  OEGANIZATION 

A  federation 

The  United  Christian  Council  for  Democracy  is  a  federation  of  nationally 
organized  unofficial  denominational  units. 

Denominational  groups 

An  effective  means,  we  believe,  of  promoting  education  and  action  in  line 
with  our  principles  is  first  of  all  through  the  various  denominations.  A  major 
objective  then  is  to  win  the  support  of  a  large  number  of  laymen  and  ministers 
in  each  denomination.  This  is  accomplished  through  individual  membership 
organizations. 

We  believe  that  each  Protestant  denomination  ought  to  have  such  an  unofiicial 
organized  group  which  will  crystallize  and  express  advanced  social  positions, 
beyond  those  which  the  denomination  will  or  can  take  officially. 

We  are  anxious  to  enlist  laymen  as  well  as  ministers  in  these  groups  and 
believe  that  the  effectiveness  of  our  work  will  depend  measurably  upon  the  pro- 
portion of  laymen  who  actively  support  this  program. 

Regional  committees 

On  a  geographical  basis,  regional  or  statewise,  and  in  large  cities,  regional 
committees  of  the  United  Christian  Council  are  being  formed.  Such  committees 
will  be  interdenominational  and  representative.  Uniting  as  they  will  persons 
of  common  anxiety  and  conviction  in  the  several  denominations  of  the  given 
areas,  there  will  be  sufficient  strength  to  support  decisive  action  needed  in  acute 
social  situations. 

A  national  committee 

A  national  committee  is  composed  of  representatives  from  each  nationally 
organized  denominational  group,  1  for  each  200  members,  together  with  1 
representative  from  each  interdenominational  regional  committee. 

Executive  committee 

The  executive  body  of  the  United  Christian  Council  is  composed  of  one  repre- 
sentative from  each  denominational  group.  The  committee  has  been  given  power 
to  act  in  terms  of  the  general  policy  established  annually  by  the  National 
Committee. 

PROPOSED  ACTION 

For  the  United  Christian  Council,  the  constituent  national  denominational 
organizations,  and  regional  committees. 

Literature 

The  council  hopes  to  recruit  the  ablest  men  in  all  denominations  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  pamphlets  interpreting  our  convictions  on  basic  social  problems  and  the 
relation  of  the  church  to  them.  We  believe  that  united  action  in  propaganda 
will  greatly  improve  the  quality  and  effectiveness  of  such  educational  work. 

It  is  our  hope  that  later  both  a  weekly  news  sheet  and  a  quarterly  magazine 
may  bring  our  inteiiDretations  of  social  problems  to  the  people  of  the  churches. 


COMJMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2233 

Pronouncements 

The  council  expects  to  make  pronouncements,  from  time  to  time,  on  current 
issues  in  which  it  will  seek  to  express  the  nilud  and  determination  of  the  socially 
advanced  portion  of  the  Christian  churches. 

The  regional  and  local  groups  will  be  encouraged  to  make  pronouncements 
upon  social  crises  in  their  own  communities. 

Action 

We  liclieve  that  common  counsel  will  lead  to  united  action  on  the  part  of 
church  people  on  behalf  of  labor,  in  counteracting  prejudice  in  labor  disputes, 
in  defending  civil  liberties,  in  opposing  wai-making,  in  furtherance  of  inter- 
national conferences  on  basic  economic  problems,  in  supporting  cooperatives,  in 
relating  the  rural  church  to  the  most  effective  farmers'  organizations,  and 
generally  in  giving  aid  to  the  forces  in  the  community  which  are  working  toward 
immediate  justice  and  an  ultimate  cooperative  commonwealth. 

Mutual  aid 

Recognizing  that  perils  of  insecurity  beset  Christian  leaders  who  advocate 
positions  more  advanced  than  those  held  by  the  community  in  general,  we  will 
strive  in  every  way  possible  to  secure  the  facts  in  the  event  of  dismissals,  to 
place  our  moral  support  behind  those  who  are  unjustly  dismissed,  and  to  secure 
aid  for  those  whose  livelihood  is  imperiled. 


United  Christian  CotTNciL  foe  Democracy 
William  F.  Cochran,  President 

Executive  Committee 

Reinhold  Niebuhr,  chairman Evangelical  and  Reformed 

Ruth   Maybee Baptist 

H.  Lincoln  MacKenzie Community 

Ralph  Read Congregational 

Harold   Fey Disciples 

William  B.  Spofford Episcopal 

Harry  F.  Ward Methodist 

Howard  Black Presbyterian 

Howard  Kester Southern  Churchmen 

Lon  Ray  Call Unitarian 

Information  regarding  the  United  Christian  Council  for  Democracy  may  be 
obtained  from  Richard  Morford,  secretary,  22  Forest  Ave.,  Albany,  N.  Y. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  as  a  former  leader  of  the  Communist 
Party  can  you  tell  us  something  about  the  nature  of  this  magazine 
first  called  the  Protestant  Digest  and  later  called  the  Protestant  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  can;  but  before  I  go  into  that,  I  would  like 
to  call 

(At  this  point  Kepresentative  Clyde  Doyle  returned  to  the  hearing 
room. ) 

Mr.  Clardy.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  Protestant  Digest  was  first  published  in  1938 
while  I  was  a  member  of  the  party,  and  in  the  party  circles  it  was 
discussed  as  one  of  the  Communist- front  publications  that  had  as  its 
aim  and  purpose  using  first  the  infiltration  of  the  Protestant  denomi- 
nations ;  secondly,  to  carry  the  materialist,  antireligious  policy  of  the 
Communist  Party  into  the  religious  denominations  under  the  guise  of 
religion. 

Moreover,  it  provided  the  ministers  with  material  for 
sermons  that  they  delivered  to  congregations  at  the  regular  services. 


2234         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Mr.  Clardt.  Let  me  interrupt  you,  Witness.  Is  it  fair  to  say  then 
that  this  magazine  was  instituted  by  the  Communist  Party  for  the 
purpose  of  perhaps  deceiving  and  misleading  the  good  men  in  the 
ministry  into  preaching  things  that  would  help  promote  the  Com- 
munist Party  line  without  their  being  necessarily  completely  aware 
of  it? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct ;  that  is  a  correct  statement. 

Mr.  Clardy.  And  that  it  was  fostered  and  put  forward  and  sold  in 
some  instances  to  good  men,  but  men  who  were  willing  to  accept  the 
statements  as  though  they  were  bona  fide  expressions  of  true 
Christianity  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

(Representative  Kit  Clardy  left  the  hearing  room  at  this  point.) 

Mr.  Johnson.  In  1938  when  the  Protestant  Digest  first  was  pub- 
lished, there  was  only  one  person  on  the  editorial  staff.  That  person 
was  Kenneth  Leslie. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Do  you  know  Kenneth  Leslie  to  be  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party?     Did  you  personally  know? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  recall  having  ever  attended  party  meetings 
with  Kenneth  Leslie,  though  I  do  know  that  he  was  under  Communist 
Party  discipline. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  How  do  you  know  that  he  was  under  Communist  Party 
discipline  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Because  in  the  upper  circles  of  the  party  he  was 
discussed  as  one  that  could  be  depended  upon  to  carry  out  the  Com- 
munist Party  line. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Would  you  continue  with  the  list  of  people  who  were 
responsible  through  the  years  for  the  magazine  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  In  1939  the  magazine  shows  in  addition  to  Kenneth 
Leslie  a  group  of  editorial  advisers,  six,  to  be  exact. 

(Representative  Kit  Clardy  returned  to  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  do  not  mean  to  imply  that  these  six  of  your  own 
knowledge  were  necessarily  members  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  say  that  they  were  card-carrying  members 
of  the  Communist  Party.  I  make  this  statement  because  in  the  Com- 
munist Party  we  had  card-carrying  members;  we  had  non-card- 
carrjang  members.  By  non-card-carrying  members  are  meant  persons 
who  are  of  great  value  to  the  Communist  Party  in  various  Communist- 
front  organizations  whose  identity,  were  it  known  generally,  as  card- 
carrying  members  would  render  ineffective  their  work  in  these  Com- 
munist-front organizations. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right.  Now,  to  come  back  to  my  question,  as  to 
those  that  have  been  specifically  named,  you  do  not  have  any  specific 
knov/ledge,  I  take  it,  as  to  whether  they  were  m  any  of  these  classes 
that  you  are  talking  about? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  did  not  attend  any  closed  meetings  witli  these 
people,  but  I  would  say  that  they  were  on  numerous  Communist- 
front  organiaztions,  and  they  carried  out  the  line.  Therefore,  they 
were  persons  under  Communist  Party  discipline  as  all  persons  who 
consistently  carry  out  the  work  of  the  Communist  Party  through 
front  organizations  are  persons  who  are  under  Communist  Party 
discipline. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2235 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  us  put  it  this  way :  Are  3'ou  personally,  or  were 
you  personally  acquainted  with  the  individuals  that  you  have  dis- 
cussed so  that  you  are  in  a  position  to  say  of  your  own  knowledge 
whether  they  fell  in  any  of  these  categories  or  not? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  only  know  of  them  through  their  activities  in  the 
Connnunist-front  organizations  or  the  solar  system  of  organizations 
that  was  set  up  in  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Then  the  answer  is,  you  do  not  know  them  as  card- 
carrying  members  nor  do  you  know  them  as  specifically  non-card- 
carrying  members? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  But  you  know  them  as  you  have  previously  described 
as  collaborating  in  some  fashion  or  other? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  is  of  course  possible,  and  we  want  evei*yone  to  be 
actuall}^  as  fair  as  they  possibly  can.  It  is  possible  that  some  of  them 
may  be  dupes  or  may  be  innocently  brought  in  because  they  are  naive 
or  for  some  other  reason,  not  necessarily  because  they  are  actually 
Communists  or  even  Communist  sympathizers? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  that  is  possible. 

Mr.  Doyle.  "Wliat  year  was  that? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  1939.  I  did  not  get  to  the  later  editions  of 
the  Protestant  Digest  and  the  Protestant.  What  I  am  trying  to  point 
out  here  is  that  there  were  persons  who  served  at  one  time  or  another 
on  the  Protestant  who  dropped  out.  What  the  reasons  were,  I  do  not 
knoAv.  but  there  are  others  who  were  consistently  on  the  editorial 
board  of  the  Protestant  over  a  period  of  years,  and  not  only  that,  their 
names  have  appeared  in  numerous  front  organizations  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  following  every  twist  and  every  turn  in  the  Commu- 
nist Party  line. 

I  do  not  know  of  most  of  them  as  card-carrying  members  of  the 
party.    Those  that  I  do  I  will  identify  as  I  go  along. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Would  you  give  us  the  names  of  those  who  remained 
consistently  on  the  editorial  board  as  you  just  mentioned  and  who 
followed  the  Communist  line  throughout  the  j^ears? 

Mr.  Johnson.  For  example,  Jerome  Davis  was  on  the  editorial 
board  in  1939. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  were  about  to  name  persons  whom  you  are  not 
identifsang  as  Communists  but  persons  who  followed  the  deviations 
of  the  Communist  Party  line. 

I  want  to  have  it  clearly  understood  at  this  juncture  that  as  to  any 
other  names  mentioned  up  to  this  moment  you  are  not  identifying 
any  of  them  as  Communists  unless  you  have  specifically  said  so  when 
you  named  them.    That  is  a  correct  statement ;  is  it  not  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right,  proceed  from  there. 

(Representative  Kit  Clardy  left  the  hearing  room  at  this  point.) 

Mr.KuNziG.  You  stated  that  the  magazine,  the  Protestant  Digest, 
later  called  the  Protestant,  met  the  various  turns  of  policy  of  the  Soviet 
Union  and  the  twists  and  the  turns  in  the  Communist  line  as  it  went 
through  the  years.  Could  you  document  that,  please,  with  illustra- 
tions taken  from  the  magazine? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  I  can. 


2236         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

I  have  here  the  Protestant  Digest,  December  1938,  the  period  when 
the  Communist  Party  was  building  the  united  front,  and  we  find  in 
this  edition  of  the  Protestant  Digest  an  article  by  "William  Spofford. 
It  was  a  reprint  from  the  Witness,  September  22, 1938. 

(Representative  Kit  Clardy  reentered  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  subject  of  the  article  is  Bill  Spofford  Hails 
United  Front. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  this  document  marked  "Man- 
ning Johnson  Exhibit  No.  23,"  and  I  offer  it  now  in  evidence. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article,  Bill  Spofford  Hails  United  Front,  from  the  Protestant 
Digest,  December  1938,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson 
exhibit  No.  23.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  23 

(Protestant  Digest,  December  1938) 

Bill  Spofford  Hails  United  Front 

(By  William  B.  Spofford  in  the  Witness,  September  22,  1938) 

The  Church  League  for  Industrial  Democracy  is  an  organization  of  the  Epis- 
copal Church,  composed  of  approximately  3,000  members,  who  have  pledged  them- 
selves to  seek  to  understand  the  teachings  of  Christ  and  to  apply  them  in  their 
own  vocations  and  activities  in  relation  to  the  present  problems  of  industrial 
society.  There  is  no  connection  whatever  between  the  American  League  for 
Peace  and  Democracy  and  the  CLID,  or  between  the  Communist  Party  and  the 
CLID.  Some  of  our  members  are  also  members  of  the  American  League  and 
accept  the  program  above  stated.  Others  approve  of  parts  and  disapprove  of 
other  parts.  CLID  members  are,  of  course,  free  to  join  the  American  League 
or  not  as  they  see  fit — or  to  oppose  it  if  that  is  their  conviction.  The  proposal 
was  made  at  the  last  national  meeting  of  the  CLID  that  we  affiliate  with  the 
American  League.  The  proposal  was  overwhelmingly  defeated,  and  as  executive 
secretary  I  opposed  affiliation.  I  did  state,  however,  that  I  personally  accepted 
the  program  of  the  American  League  and  asked  that  I  be  allowed  as  an  individual 
to  cooperate  with  the  organization.  This  was  voted  and  I  have  since  been  active 
in  the  American  League  and  am  at  present  proud  to  be  vice  chairman. 

In  regard  to  the  Communist  Party,  it  is,  of  course,  a  secular  organization, 
based  upon  a  materialistic  philosophy,  and  for  this  reason  is  quite  properly  op- 
posed by  Christians.  Their  ultimate  purpose  is  so  to  order  society  throughout 
the  world  that  communism  will  be  universal.  However,  because  of  the  present 
world  situation,  with  wars  in  Spain  and  China  and  with  the  Fascist  powers 
threatening  other  democratic  nations,  they  have  set  aside  their  ultimate  objectives 
in  order  to  join  forces  in  a  United  Front  to  maintain  peace  and  democracy. 
Just  as  a  United  Front,  including  the  Communists,  was  necessary  in  China  if 
Japanese  aggression  was  to  be  resisted  (a  United  Front  that  has  received  the 
blessing  of  Bishop  Roots  and  I  think  I  am  safe  in  saying  all  our  missionaries)  ; 
just  as  Hitlerism  might  have  been  avoided  in  Germany  and  democracy  main- 
tained if  the  people  had  created  a  United  Front  (as  Martin  Niemoller  told  a 
group  of  us  in  Berlin  last  summer  just  three  days  before  his  arrest)  ;  so  I  believe 
a  United  Front  must  be  built  in  the  United  States  if  democracy  is  to  be  main- 
tained and  war  avoided.  And  an  effective  United  Front  is  built  not  by  various 
groups  stressing  their  differences  but  rather  by  setting  aside  their  differences 
and  uniting  wholeheartedly  in  a  minimum  program.  The  Communists,  as  far 
as  my  experience  means  anything,  are  sincere  in  their  desire  for  a  United  Front 
and  are  effective  workers  for  it.  Therefore,  I  am  happy  to  join  forces  with  them, 
and  others,  on  this  minimum  program  for  peace  and  democracy.  When  and  if 
they  change  their  "line"  (and  I  do  not  believe  I  shall  be  so  innocent  as  not  to 
know)  it  is  probably  that  I  shall  part  company  with  them. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  like  to  present  to  the  committee  an  article 
published  in  the  Protestant,  April-May  1942.  The  author  of  the 
article  is  David  Easton,  and  is  an  article  in  which  he  follows  the  Com- 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2237 

munist  Party  line  on  religion  by  attempting  to  show  in  this  article 
that  Marxism  and  democracy  and  a  liberal  religious  faith  are  one. 

Mr.  Clardy.  All  right,  let  us  have  that  marked  "Manning  Johnson 
Exhibit  No.  24." 

Mr.  KuNziG.  It  is  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  24." 

I  now  offer  it  in  evidence,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article  referred  to  from  the  Protestant,  April-May  1942,  was 
received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  24.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  24 

(The  Protestant,  April-May  1942,  pp.  52-55) 

Spirituality   and   Maus 

(By  David  Easton) 

Marx  explains  "self -alienation"  as  it  appears  in  our  present  form  of  society : 

The  more  the  worker  expends  his  labor,  the  more  powerful  becomes  the 
alien  objective  world  which  he  creates  outside  himself,  and  the  poorer  he  and 
his  inner  world  become  and  the  less  he  can  call  his  own.  *  *  *  Not  only  does 
his  work  become  an  external  object,  but  it  exists  outside  of  him  as  an  inde- 
pendent and  alien  thing.  It  becomes  a  self-sufficient  power  over  him.  The 
life  which  he  has  lost  to  the  object  confronts  him  as  strange  and  alien.  *  *  * 
The  estranged  relation  of  the  worker  to  his  work  expresses  itself  in  the  rela- 
tion of  capitalist  to  worker.  Private  property  is  thus  result  and  necessary 
expression  of  the  estranged  relation  of  the  worker  to  himself  and  to  nature 
(Marx-Engels,  Gesamtausgabe  (Ed.  V.  Adoratskij),  Abt.  1,  Bd.  3,  pp.  83-84, 
91.     Trans,  mine). 

For  Marx  the  idea  of  self-alienation  expresses  the  fact  that  concentration 
of  wealth  and  forces  of  production  in  a  few  hands  means  spiritual  impoverish- 
ment for  the  majority  of  men.  In  this  state  men  lose  their  freedom — the 
product  of  their  labor  and  even  their  tools  become  powers  over  them. 

Marx  believed  that  "to  be  a  man"  really  means  "to  work,"  to  transform 
nature  for  human  ends.  In  this  way  nature  is  integrated  with  humanity,  and 
each  product  of  labor  incarnates  the  personality  of  man.  Through  work  man 
"makes  the  whole  of  nature  his  inorganic  body."  But  when  the  product  of 
labor  is  "alienated,"  the  personality  of  man  is  diminished  and  stunted.  Marx 
wanted  to  suppress  the  alienation  of  labor.  He  believed  that  man  can  realize 
and  fulfill  his  personality  through  a  socialist  society.  This  entails  "the  posi- 
tive dissolution  of  private  property,  as  human  self-alienation,  and  thus  the 
genuine  appropriation  of  the  attributes  of  humanity  by  and  for  mankind." 
The  new  society,  Marx  said,  can  produce  "as  a  continual  reality,  man  in  all 
the  richness  of  his  being,  the  complete  and  well-rounded  man." 

The  young  Marx  called  his  view  of  man  "realistic  humanism"  or  "completed 
naturalism."  It  is  the  groundwork  of  his  well-known  historical  materialism. 
Marx'  view  of  man  went  beyond  Feuerbach  who  stopped  with  the  abstract 
isolated  individual  and  did  not  see  that  "only  in  community  with  others  has 
each  individual  the  means  of  cultivating  his  gifts  in  all  directions."  Man's 
self-alienation  and  the  way  to  his  self-fulfillment  became  the  motif  of  Marx' 
thought  and  endeavor.  It  runs  through  all  his  writings.  It  implies  a  particular 
theory  of  education : 

The  education  of  the  future  will  combine  productive  labor  with  instruction 
and  gymnastics,  not  only  as  one  of  the  methods  of  adding  to  the  efficiency  of 
production,  but  as  the  only  method  of  producing  fully  developed  human  beings 
(Capital,  I,  529). 

It  may  seem  that  Marx's  historical  determinism  leaves  no  room  for  effective 
human  action  and  development.  But  Marx  never  denied  that  the  purposes  and 
acts  of  men  are  motors  of  history.  He  approved  of  Vico's  observation  that 
^uman  history  differs  from  natural  history  in  this,  that  we  have  made  the 
former,  but  not  the  latter."  In  an  early  letter  he  criticized  Feuerbach's  material- 
ism for  being  "merely  naturalistic  and  not  historical"  for  not  taking  account  of 
human  efforts,  particularly  in  politics.  For  Marx  "History  is  nothing  else  than 
the  acitivity  of  man  pursuing  his  own  aims."    And  man  is  to  be  conceived  as 


2238         COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

*'a  living  conscious  thing"  ratlier  than  a  pure  disembodied  spirit.  Following  these 
leads,  Soviet  philosophers  recently  attacked  "economism"  which  "neglects  per- 
sonalities, wills,  and  temperaments  as  historical  facts."  And  in  1930  K.  N. 
Kornilov  of  Moscow  University  wrote  a  criticism  of  any  view  which  "either  flatly 
denies  the  existence  of  human  consciousness  or  identifies  it  with  mechanical 
movements  of  matter." 

Marx's  determinism  is  simply  an  assertion  that  historical  events  have  discover- 
able causes.  He  denies  that  human  action  is  free  in  the  sense  of  being  uncaused. 
There  is  regularity  and  lawfulness  in  human  events  as  every  social  scientist 
supposes.  Out  of  the  conflicts  and  agreements  of  many  individual  acts  there 
comes  regularity  and  continuity.  In  this  sense  social  movements  are  indi^endent 
of  the  individual  will  and  intelligence.  Marx's  determinism  implies  simply  that 
the  actions  of  an  individual  or  a  group  have  definite  antecedents  and  conse- 
quences. Is  this  a  denial  of  human  freedom?  By  no  means.  Marx  always 
distinguished  between  historical  and  merely  natural  events.  He  insisted  that 
men  are  moved  to  action  by  their  purposes  and  needs.  This,  it  seems  to  me, 
is  the  substance  of  human  freedom.  It  is  self-determination.  It  is  the  condi- 
tion of  all  our  choices.  Without  such  determination  "guilt,"  "responsibility," 
and  "moral  education"  would  be  empty  words.  Human  purposes  and  preferences 
are  always  affected  by  other  parts  of  the  historical  process.  In  their  origin, 
their  specific  content,  and  in  their  effectiveness  they  are  conditioned  by  the  given 
productive  forces  and  relations — by  other  social  facts  which  all  presuppose  man's 
conscious  transformation  of  nature  through  his  work. 

All  of  Marx's  writings  are  a  condemnation  of  those  economic  and  social  ar- 
rangements which  disallow  fully  developed  human  beings.  He  condemned  the 
social  system  which  "converts  the  laborer  into  a  crippled  monstrosity"  and  at  the 
same  time  creates  a  leisure  class  of  elfete,  parasitical,  and  pleasure-hunting 
animals.  He  condemned  the  social  scheme  which  leaves  "no  other  nexus  between 
man  and  man  than  naked  self-interest"  and  resolves  "personal  worth  into  ex- 
change value."  For  Marx  the  cultivation  and  sharing  of  art  is  essential  to  the 
complete  life.  He  deplored  the  sacrifice  of  art  to  the  gods  of  profit  and  business. 
The  treatment  of  poetry,  painting,  music,  etc.,  as  mere  commodities  rather  than 
"products  sui  generis"  was  accepted  as  one  of  the  tragic  ironies  of  our  time.  And 
Marx  persistently  denounced  the  prostitution  of  science  and  education  for  the 
sake  of  profits. 

The  relation  of  Marxism  to  religion  will  never  be  understood  if  we  stop  with 
the  slogan,  "Religion  is  the  opium  of  the  people."  We  should  remember  that 
Marx's  sallies  were  primarily  against  those  forms  of  religion  which  belittle  man 
and  discount  his  ideal  aims.  His  criticism  was  a  response  to  "the  categorical  im- 
perative to  overthrow  all  conditions  in  which  man  is  a  degraded,  servile,  neglected, 
contemptible  being."  In  one  of  his  letters  Marx  wrote,  bitterly,  that  after  the 
Greeks  the  e.ssential  dignity  of  man  disappeared  from  the  world.  Historical 
Christianity  too  much  emphasized  man's  worthlessness  and  the  vanity  of  any 
effort  to  change  his  present  estate. 

It  is  clear  that  Marx's  attack  on  religion  is  primarily  an  attack  on  super- 
naturalism  or  other  wordliness  which  is  indifferent  to  human  needs  and  develop- 
ment. His  views  are  quite  in  harmony  with  humanistic  and  naturalistic  philos- 
ophies of  religion.  They  are  altogether  acceptable  to  those  who,  with  Matthew 
Arnold,  find  the  essence  of  religion  to  be  "morality  touched  by  emotion."  But 
with  the  "new  supernaturalism"  Marxism  clashes  on  fundamental  issues.  The 
extreme  supernaturalists  of  our  day  condenui  as  false  any  view  which  denies 
man's  "creatureliness"  and  commits  "the  sin  of  pride.''  Still,  many  of  the  new 
supernaturalists  use  the  Marxian  way  of  understanding  social  events  as  they 
try  to  answer  present  demands  of  the  transcendent  ideal. 

The  stimulus  to  Marx's  moral  passion  was  an  awareness  that  great  numbers 
of  men  never  get  to  the  human  level  of  existence.  Only  a  part  of  each  man  is 
developed.  Too  many  are  "appendages  of  machines"  and  "laboring  cattle." 
Life  begins  when  they  leave  work  which  is  alien  and  thus  fearsome.  Marx 
wanted  to  change  this  condition.  He  wanted  to  get  rid  of  those  property  ar- 
rangements which  cause  human  self-alienation.  He  sought  to  unfetter  technology 
for  the  benefit  of  all  so  that  human  lives  might  be  more  complete  and  rounded 
out.  All  men,  he  deeply  believed,  must  have  the  chance  to  know  the  value  of 
camaraderie  for  its  own  sake,  the  liberation  and  romance  of  learning,  and  the 
lasting  pleasures  in  art.  These  things  are  out  of  reach  when  man's  work  be- 
comes an  alien  power  over  him  that  diminishes  his  personality. 

Marx  expanded  the  Greek  ideal  of  harmonious  self-development.  He  removed 
it  from  aristocratic  contemplation  and  related  it  to  social  action.     For  Aristotle 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2239 

the  ideal  type  of  man  was  one  who,  like  the  Unmoved  Mover,  needs  only  to  con- 
template. Likewise,  Marx  opposed  Hegel's  view  of  man.  Hegel  did  think  of  man 
as  a  process  and  thus  the  result  of  his  own  work.  But  the  only  kind  of  work 
he  rocognized  wa.s  abstract  spiritual  work  or  pure  mental  activity.  In  Marx's 
view  the  complete  man  is  one  who  works ;  he  acts  in  society  and  actually  trans- 
foi-nis  nature  of  human  ends.  All  of  his  socially  developed  senses  and  spiritual 
organs  are  instruments  for  "the  humanization  of  nature."  This  is  Marx's  view 
of  man  which  he  called  realistic  humanism.  It  gives  deeper  meaning  to  his 
favorite  maxim  :  "Nihil  humani  a  me  alieimm  puto."  In  this  respect,  as  well  as 
others,  Marxism  and  democracy  and  a  liberal  religious  faith  are  as  one. 

Mr.  KuxziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  do  yon  know  Easton  as  a  member  of  the 
Connnunist  Party  ? 

Mr.  JoiiNSOx.  I  do  not  know  of  my  personal  knowledge  whether  he 
is  or  wlietlier  he  is  not  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  are  not  at  this  time  making  any  accusation  that 
the  gentleman  named  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mv.  Johnson.  No  ;  I  am  not  at  this  time. 

IMr.  KuNziG.  Do  you  have  any  further  documents,  Mr.  Johnson  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  have. 

I  have  in  my  hand  a  copy  of  the  Protestant  Digest  of  January  1940, 
which  shows  that  the  Protestant  Digest  worked  against  America's 
entry  into  the  war  at  the  time  when  the  Communist  line  was  peace  for 
America  as  long  as  Russia  and  Germany  were  tied  together  in  a  pact. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  this  document  in  my  hand 
marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  25,"  and  I  offer  it  into  evi- 
dence at  this  point. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  copy  of  the  Protestant  Digest,  January  1940,  was  received  in 
evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  25. 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  25 

(Protestant  Digest,  January  1940,  pp.  68-73) 

Toward  a  Democratic  Peace 

By  Harry  F.  Ward 


Can  We  Do  It? 

We  are  now  back  to  the  old  international  law  concept  of  neutrality.  Like  the 
Soviet  we  are  technically  willing  to  sell  to  both  sides.  Actually  we  mean  to  help 
the  allies,  relying  on  the  cash-and-carry  provisions  and  the  British  blockade  to 
make  it  impossible  for  Germany  to  buy  here.  If  she  can  get  something  by  a 
roundabout  way  through  neutrals,  we  will  take  the  profits  on  that,  too. 

This  is  a  better  protection  against  the  consequences  of  war  trade  than  we  had 
in  1914-1917.  How  effective  is  it?  Is  the  desire  for  profit,  and  the  need  for 
profit  tamed  and  under  control?  The  first  attempt  to  break  through  the  cash 
restriction  by  substituting  90  days'  credit  for  cash  on  the  barrelhead,  has  been 
defeated  by  popular  protest.  But  the  same  interests  who  tried  that  are  now  hop- 
iui;  that  the  clause  which  provides  that  insurance  does  not  constitute  an  Anieii- 
can  interest  in  goods  or  ships  will  afl'ord  them  a  loophole ;  and  the  British  Minis- 
ter of  Supply  naturally  says  they  are  examining  the  bill  to  see  if  there  is  not  a 
possibility  of  getting  around  the  cash  restriction  by  arrangements  with  private 
business.  The  Wall  Street  Journal  has  hopes.  The  attempt  to  evade  the  carry 
restriction  by  transfer  to  foreign  registry,  and  the  ofiicial  support  it  has  secured, 
indicates  the  necessity  to  continually  watch  and  expose  attempts  to  evade  or 
change  the  restrictions  on  war  trade  designed  to  lessen  the  risk  of  our  being 
drawn  into  the  war. 


2240         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

The  Danger  Points 

Popular  support  will  gather  behind  such  attempts  if  and  when  there  is  any 
danger  of  Hitler  winning,  and  if  the  war  lasts  until  the  allies'  cash  is  gone  and 
orders  and  jobs  begin  to  fall  off.  War  trade  on  a  cash  basis  has  its  own  way  of 
producing  economic  pressures  on  the  side  of  our  entering  the  war.  The  antici- 
pation of  immediate  orders  which  are  not  forthcoming  has  already  created  a 
small  boom  with  no  base.  The  concentration  of  orders  on  airplanes  and  a  few 
other  things,  and  the  need  of  conserving  cash  for  a  possibly  long  struggle,  is 
already  reducing  British  purchases  of  basic  necessities  that  we  have  been  supply- 
ing. The  prosperity  we  get  from  war  orders  will  be  very  spotty.  The  effects  of 
the  transfer  of  British  and  French  securities  here  to  pay  for  their  orders,  along 
with  additional  transfer  of  gold,  will  load  us  up  still  more  with  idle  capital. 
The  net  result  will  be  an  increase  in  our  total  economic  insecurity,  a  psychologi- 
cal situation  which  always  brings  war  nearer. 

To  offset  these  tendencies  it  would  be  necessary  to  make  much  larger  Govern- 
ment expenditures  for  social  gains,  whereas  the  reactionaries  who  succeeded  in 
limiting  these  in  the  last  session  of  Congress  expect  to  do  worse  in  1940.  Those 
who  seek  to  check  the  rise  of  a  war  spirit  in  this  Nation  will  need  to  be  able  to 
defeat  reaction  at  this  point  and  to  protect  the  living  standards  of  the  people  by 
exposing  and  leading  them  to  stop  all  war  profiteering  as  soon  as  it  begins. 

If  the  war  lasts  the  cold-blooded  military  experts  have  a  formula  for  the  time 
when  the  economic  and  propaganda  pressures  will  actually  begin  to  take  us  in. 
It  is  the  ratio  between  our  supply  of  the  instruments  of  war  to  the  allied  man- 
power available  for  their  use.  When  the  production  flow  of  war  materials  from 
our  plants  becomes  greater  than  the  capacity  of  their  armies,  there  will  be  both 
need  for  our  manpower  and  propaganda  to  get  it.  The  danger  to  democracy  will 
then  suddenly  become  very  acute  in  the  headlines.  Those  who  would  expose 
and  resist  this  must  know  their  economic  facts.  It  is  of  no  more  avail  to 
shout  "keep  out  of  war"  than  it  was  to  vote  that  way  in  1916.  If  the  underlying 
forces  are  again  working  as  they  were  then,  they  will  take  us  in.  The  first  step 
in  getting  them  under  control  is  to  continually  explain  to  the  people  exactly 
what  is  happening. 

What  About  China? 

Since  England  now  has  no  war  supplies  to  spare  for  Japan,  that  country  needs 
to  draw  more  heavily  upon  us  than  even  our  present  54  percent  of  her  imported 
materials  for  war.  Our  new  war-trade  legislation  does  not  apply,  for  the  legal 
fiction  of  an  undeclared  war  still  remains.  If  that  situation  continues,  only  an 
embargo  can  end  our  partnership  in  the  invasion  of  China.  If  Japan  declar«^s 
war  our  present  legislation  will  still  help  Japan  more  than  China,  for  she  can  only 
get  supplies  through  neutrals  willing  to  run  the  blockade,  while  Japan  has  both 
cash  and  ships,  *  *  *  The  only  prevention  would  be  a  Presidential  ban  on 
scrap  iron  and  oil  on  the  ground  of  our  own  needs,  plus  discrimination  under 
the  tariff  law  when  our  trade  treaty  ends  in  January.  Our  present  protests  to 
Japan  are  entirely  in  terms  of  our  own  trade  interests  and  lead  either  to  war 
or  a  compromising  assent  to  Japanese  control  in  China.  Our  moral  obligation 
to  China  calls  clearly  for  a  renewed  dpmand  for  an  embargo  on  war  supplies 
to  Japan  until  she  takes  her  armies  out  of  China. 

Incitements  to  War 

Incitements  to  war  will  naturally  be  continuous.  There  is  and  will  be  propa- 
ganda, with  its  inevitable  atrocity  stories,  to  be  exposed.  There  will  be  incidents 
infringing  upon  our  rights,  and  inhuman  deeds,  against  which  our  emotions  will 
need  to  be  steeled.  There  are  sympathies  to  be  watched  lest  they  betray  us. 
Those  responsible  for  forming  public  opinion  will  need  constantly  to  ask  some 
questions  and  answer  them  from  the  unfolding  facts.  What  are  the  war  aims 
of  the  allies?  Can  the  people  who  helped  destroy  democracy  in  Austria,  Spain. 
and  Czecho-Slovakia  do  anything  for  it  now?  Can  Hitler  and  Hitlerism  be 
stopped  by  war?  Will  the  victory  of  the  allies  produce  anything  better  than  it  did 
at  Versailles  with  all  its  consequences?  How  can  a  repetition,  in  even  worse 
form,  of  the  cycle  which  produced  the  present  disaster,  be  prevented? 

A  New  Devil 

A  dangerous  feature  in  recent  developments  is  the  propaganda  of  incitement 
against  the  Soviet  Union.  It  fairly  shrieks  from  the  headlines  and  thunders  from 
tlie  editorials.    Stalin  has  replaced  Hitler  for  most  of  the  American  people  as  the 


COMIVrUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK:   AREA        2241 

devil  to  be  feared.  Stories  are  told  one  week  on  the  front  page  and  the  facts 
which  deny  them  are  the  next  week  buried  in  the  back  of  the  papers.  The  Soviets 
had  betrayed  and  abandoned  China  to  its  fate,  we  were  told.  Now  come  the  facts 
concerning  increased  supplies.  Tons  of  Russian  gold  were  on  their  way  to  Ger- 
many. Now  it  appears  they  are  in  Dutch  banks  for  Soviet  purchases  in  the 
United  States.  Yet  our  liberals,  so  shocked  by  the  change  in  Soviet  policy,  are 
still  prepared  to  believe  the  worst.  Usually  they  do  not  even  mention,  let  alone 
assess,  Chamberlain's  part  in  that  change.  Our  Government  talks  in  sterner 
tones  *  *  *  to  Stalin  than  to  Hitler.  It  says  nothing  when  two  score  of  our 
ships  are  interned  by  the  allies ;  it  protests  when  one  is  held  in  a  Soviet  port. 

All  this  provides  the  emotional  background  for  what?  Among  the  possibilities 
is  the  cry  for  a  holy  war  against  the  pagan  Nazis  and  the  atheistic  Communists. 
The  Vatican  has  laid  the  groundwork  for  it.  Two  of  our  most  widely  read  col- 
umnists are  calling  for  a  union  of  all  forces  to  heat  back  the  barbarians  of  the 
East  before  they  destroy  all  the  values  of  civilization.  In  the  event  of  an 
alliance  between  Nazi  Germany  and  Soviet  Russia,  the  cry  for  a  holy  war  would 
develop  hysteria  overnight  in  this  nation.  God  is  a  more  powerful  sanction  for 
modern  mass  slaughter  than  democracy. 

There  is  another  and  more  cold-blooded  prospect  for  the  use  of  the  moral  emo- 
tions now  being  aroused  against  Russia  and  it  coincides  with  the  property  in- 
terest and  the  fear  of  social  change  suddenly  revealed  by  this  animus.  The  plan 
of  a  section  of  the  British  Tories  is  to  restore  a  reactionary  Government  in  Ger- 
many, the  kind  that  we  helped  to  overthrow  in  1918.  There  is  talk  of  bolstering 
this  by  a  monarchical  Catholic  state  in  central  Europe.  In  any  event  a  i-eac- 
tionary  Germany  is  to  be  turned  eastward  again,  looking  toward  that  attack 
upon  the  Soviet  Union  which  is  the  historic  necessity  of  the  Tory  imperialists. 
In  this  eventuality  the  support  of  the  United  States  in  one  way  or  another  is 
sought. 

In  these  circumstances  those  who  feel  an  obligation  to  pass  moral  judgments 
on  the  Soviet  Union  must  realize  the  risk  involved.  It  is  the  same  risk  which 
was  taken  by  those  who  passed  moral  judgments  upon  Hitler,  and  they  took 
precautions  to  get  them  executed  without  war.  The  least  that  can  be  done  by 
those  who  stand  in  a  similar  position  in  relation  to  the  Soviet  Union  is  to  see 
that  their  judgments  are  exact  and  are  based  on  all  the  facts. 

Some  Facts 

Most  of  those  who  now  put  the  actions  of  the  Soviet  on  the  same  plane  with 
those  of  Hitler,  have  read  only  the  new.spaper  case  against  the  Soviet.  Their 
side  is  now  available  in  English  through  the  speeches  of  Molotov.  He  declares 
their  main  motivation  to  be  self-protection,  with  the  hope  that  their  course  will 
make  for  peace.  On  questions  of  fact  the  British  point  of  view,  more  hard-headed 
than  ours  despite  their  more  vital  interests,  supports  the  Russians  on  some 
points.  Chamberlain's  latest  speech  on  November  9  says :  "On  the  other  hand, 
the  pact  between  Germany  and  the  Soviet  Union  has  given  indeed  great  advan- 
tages for  the  Soviet  Union,  but  it  has  brought  only  humiliation  and  loss  for 
Germany."  Chamberlain  has  odicially  justified  the  Soviet  entry  into  Poland 
as  a  defense  measure.  And  this  was  not  merely  a  tactical  move  on  the  score  of 
neutrality.  The  additional  fact  that  he  has  debarred  the  Polish  Government  in 
Paris  from  making  any  claim  to  the  territory  involved  indicates  his  conclusion 
that  this  Government  has  no  moral  or  legal  title  to  territory  which  it  took  by 
force  from  the  Soviet  contrary  to  the  Versailles  decision. 

This  places  the  Soviet  action  against  Hitler  rather  than  the  Polish  Govern- 
ment. The  technical  point  in  the  question  of  aggression  is  whether  the  border 
was  crossed  before  or  after  the  Polish  Government  had  ceased  to  function. 
The  correspondent  of  the  London  Times,  who  was  in  the  area  at  the  moment, 
states  that  the  Government  was  out  of  commission.  This  left  the  territory  either 
to  Hitler  or  the  Soviet,  from  which  it  was  originally  taken. 

Concerning  the  charge  of  a  previous  plan  of  partition,  Gedye,  the  Moscow 
correspondent  of  the  New  York  Times,  with  a  long  and  honorable  experience  in 
Vienna  and  Prague,  affirms  that  he  can  find  no  proof  of  it.  The  record  of  the 
Soviet  of  keeping  their  pledge  to  Czechoslovakia,  publicly  confirmed  by  mem- 
bers of  that  Government,  coincides  with  the  charge  of  the  total  political  oppo- 
sition to  Chamberlain  in  England,  including  many  conservatives,  that  he,  and 
not  the  Soviet  Union,  was  responsible  for  the  breakdown  of  the  negotiations 
between  them.  If  this  is  correct  it  left  the  Soviet  faced  with  continuous  ma- 
noeuvres against  them  with  no  alternative  but  to  protect  themselves  as  best 


2242         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK    AREA 

they  could.  Their  moves  can  only  be  understood  in  the  light  of  the  fear  psy- 
chology developed  by  continuous  attacks  upon  them,  and  threats  against  them, 
which  are  met  by  Lenin's  strategy  of  playing  off  one  enemy  against  another  in 

Tliis  explains  the  policy  in  relation  to  the  Baltic  States  and  Finland.  Weeks 
before  this  developed  the  Ambassadors  of  these  states  in  Washington  told  the 
Nev?  Republic  correspondent  that  the  key  to  Soviet  policy  was  the  impossibihty 
of  defending  Leningrad  as  long  as  the  approaches  to  the  Gulf  of  Finland  were 
controlled  by  other  powers.  This  is  equally  true  of  its  nearness  to  the  Finnish 
border,  and  "it  involves  the  whole  northern  industrial  section  of  Russia  proper. 
It  is  the  fear  of  future  attack  ftom  either  or  both  Germany  or  Great  Britain 
which  dominates  the  situation.  Those  who  interpret  Soviet  action  only  in  terms 
of  power  politics,  and  talk  of  socialist  imperialism,  are  thinking  too  narrowly 
in  their  habitual  pattern.  Those  who  think  that  Russia  might  have  stayed 
within  her  own  borders  usually  ignore  tactical  necessities  in  the  face  of  ene- 
mies in  the  field,  and  generally  forget  that  a  socialist  state  in  a  capitalist  world 
is  still  subject  to  the  laws  of  State  nature.  Since  all  States  sin  the  question  is, 
are  these  siuners  above  the  others,  or  below  the  others,  in  this  modern  Jeru- 
salem? The  answer  to  that  must  be  found  in  the  terms  of  their  contracts  with, 
and  the  future  development  of,  those  smaller  States  which  of  necessity  must 
either  be  in  the  orbit  of  Germany,  Great  Britain,  or  the  Soviet  until  the  day 
when  there  is  a  commonwealth  of  socialized  nations  in  Europe.  Meantime,  the 
terms  of  the  Soviet  concessions  in  the  Baltic  States  and  Finland  should  be  com- 
pared with  Hitler's  terms  in  Czecho-Slovakia,  Britain's  in  India  and  ours  in 
Cuba. 

Our  Democracy 

The  question  of  the  outcome  of  the  moral  emotions  now  being  aroused  against 
the  Soviet  also  has  another  bearing.  Here  they  are  being  translated  into  anti- 
Communism,  and  this  is  being  used  under  the  leadership  of  Dies  in  a  new  red 
hunt  which  promises,  under  other  leadership,  to  be  more  intelligent,  as  well  as 
more  ruthless,  than  that  under  Mitchell  Palmer  after  the  last  war.  The  foun- 
dations of  our  democracy  are  being  assailed  under  the  cry  of  saving  it  from  the 
reds.  Even  if  we  manage  to  stay  out  of  the  war,  it  is  clear  that  we  have  a  con- 
tinuous and  difficult  job  to  protect  our  democratic  rights  from  the  massed  at- 
tack of  reaction,  using  war-time  feelings  for  its  dynamic.  A  later  Bulletin  will 
deal  with  this  question. 

A  Democratic  Peace 

Those  who  seek  a  democratic  peace  must  begin  to  work  for  it  now.  Because 
of  the  contribution  of  our  economic  resources  to  the  allied  cause,  as  well  as  be- 
cause of  our  security  and  our  professed  ideas,  we  have  an  obligation  as  a  neu- 
tral to  secure  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  a  conference  of  all  the  interested 
nations  to  face  the  basic  issues  involved  in  the  War.  They  are  three:  the  end- 
ing of  aggression  and  imperialist  domination  with  restitution  for  the  dispos- 
sessed nations  and  minorities ;  disarmament ;  meeting  the  economic  needs  of  all 
nations  by  reciprocal  arrangements. 

*  ****** 

Our  present  protests  to  Japan  are  entirely  in  terms  of  our  own  trade  interests 
and  lead  either  to  war  or  a  compromising  assent  to  Japanese  control  in  China. 

*  ****** 

In  the  event  of  an  alliance  between  Nazi  Germany  and  Soviet  Russia  the 
cry  for  a  holy  war  would  develop  hysteria  overnight.  God  is  a  more  powerful 
sanction  for  modern  mass  slaughter  than  democracy. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  an  article  entitled  "Two  Speeches  by  Kenneth 
Leslie." 

Mr.  KuNziG-  What  is  the  date  of  the  article  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  October-November  1942,  the  Protestant.  The  sub- 
ject of  the  article,  The  Second  Front. 

This  article  was  written  after  Hitler's  attack  on  Russia,  and  it  was 
in  accord  with  the  Connniniist  Party's  national  campaign  to  compel 
America  to  go  along  with  Soviet  Russia  on  the  opening  up  of  a  second 
front  in  Europe. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IX    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2243 

Mr.  KuN/Jo.  I  have  this  document  marked  "Manning  Johnson 
Exliibit  No.  2G,''  Mr,  Chairman,  and  T  offer  it  into  evidence  at  this 
point. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article  entitled  "Two  Speeches  by  Kenneth  Leslie"  from  the 
Protestant,  October-November  ldP2,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Man- 
ning Johnson  Exhibit  No.  2G.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  26 

(The  Protestant,  October-November  1942,  pp.  47-50) 

Two  Speeches  by  Kenneth  Leslie' 

THE    SECOND    FRONT 

In  gangster  tilm  languiige  Fascism  is  the  o'ook  district  attorney  who  is  using 
two  gunmen  from  Murder,  Inc.  (the  Japanese  and  German  nationalists)  to  do 
the  dirty  heavy  vporli  on  the  modern  liberal  democratic  world  against  which  the 
Counter  Reformation  is  aimed.  After  they  have  done  their  work  they  will  be 
disavowed  and  double-crossed.  Fascism  plans  to  step  in  later  on  when  the 
modern  liberal  democratic  world  is  staggering  from  the  attentions  of  the  gun- 
men, and,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  to  save  the  modern  liberal  democratic  world 
from  the  gunmen — on  one  condition.  The  condition  will  be  that  it  must  renounce 
its  modern  ideas  of  liberalism,  equality,  democracy,  and  go  back  to  the  obedience, 
discipline,  and  authority  of  the  pre-Reformation  era. 

In  this  connection  you  must  certainly  have  noticed  the  strange  concert  of 
propaganda  drives  exalting  the  virtues  of  obedience  and  authority  for  our  youth 
and  decrying  the  lack  of  discipline  in  our  youth.  That  such  propaganda  was  a 
libel  on  American  youth  has  been  amply  proved  by  the  nmgnificent  discipline 
shown  by  American  youth  in  the  Army,  in  the  Navy,  in  the  factory,  and  in  the 
merchant  marine.  This  talk  of  discipline  and  obedience  was  brought  here  and 
planted  here  with  Fascist  money — the  same  money  that  financed  Hitler.  In  other 
words,  to  go  back  to  the  Fascist  plan  whose  pattern  grows  clearer  every  day — you, 
the  people,  will  be  saved  by  those  who  think  they  know  what  is  best  for  you. 
You  will  not  only  be  saved  fi-om  Hitler-Hirohito  Murder,  Inc.,  you  will 
be  saved  from  yourselves,  the  people.  For  you  the  people  as  the  rulers  of  your- 
selves are  the  only  enemies  of  those  who  would  rule  you.  It  is  as  simple  as  that. 
In  America  the  people  rule  themselves  through  their  President,  in  England 
through  their  Prime  Minister.  They  are  very  fortunate  and  very  wise  to 
have  elected  Mr.  Roosevelt  and  Mr.  Churchill  as  their  deputies.  Both  of  these 
men  can  be  trusted.  You  can  depend  upon  them.  But  can  they  depend  upon 
you?  You  can  depend  upon  them  to  do  your  will  only  if  they  can  depend  upon 
you  to  let  them  knoiv  what  your  icill  is. 

Many  ask :  Why  bother  Mr.  Churchill  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  about  the  war? 
They  know  better  about  it  than  you  can  possibly  know.  They  have  access  to 
facts  of  which,  for  strategic  reasons,  you  cannot  have  knowledge.  They  have 
at  their  elbows  all  the  experts.  They  don't  need  your  advice.  Such  an  ob- 
jection is  the  objection  of  a  Fascist. 

For,  leaving  aside  the  somewhat  sensitive  point  about  the  experts  (the  ex- 
perts haven't  fared  at  all  well  so  far  in  this  war),  it  is  vital  to  the  democratic 
cause  that  the  democratic  chiefs  keep  in  touch  with  the  people.  And  (follow 
this)  it  is  vital  to  the  Fascist  cause  that  the  democratic  chiefs  ai*e  kept  out  of 
touch  with  the  people.     That's  why  I  say  this  is  a  Fascist  objection. 

Fascists  who  literally  swarm  in  the  democracies,  using  democratic  methods 
and  democratic  language  and  democratic  protective  coloration  are  putting 
pressure  directly  and  indirectly,  visibly  and  invisibly,  on  our  democratic  chiefs 
who  many  times  cannot  recognize  it  and  can  hardly  protect  themselves  from  it 
if  they  could  recognize  it,  because  it  comes  so  well  protected  and  in  such  legally 
regularized  forms. 

Legal  citizens  with  Fascist  hearts  bring  this  pressure  twenty-four  hours  a  day, 
seven  days  a  week.  They  are  the  famous  fifth  column ;  they  play  for  high 
stakes,  no  less  than  the  undoing  of  the  human  gains  of  the  past  four  hundred 

^^^^— — ^—  ■      III    Ml  M 

iFrora  an  address  broadcast  over  WFIL,  Philadelphia,  August  3.  1942,  arranged  by 
the  Philadelphia  Protestant  Associates. 

33909— 531— pt.  8 4 


2244         COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

years ;  tbey  are  thrilled  with  the  thrill  of  titanic  destruction ;  they  have  waited 
long  and  hungrily  for  this  great  moment  in  which  they  will  carry  out  the  ana- 
thema against  tolerance. 

Not  only  do  American  and  British  citizens  bring  this  pressure  but  the  ac- 
credited and  befriended  representatives  in  Britain  and  America  of  Fascist 
Spain  and  Fascist  France  and  Fascist  Finland  also  bring  pressure.  They  bring 
pressure  not  only  on  our  chiefs  but  upon  us,  the  people,  as  well,  confusing  and 
bewildering  us,  but  upon  their  own  sorely  tried  people  the  Spanish,  the  French, 
the  Finnish,  who  see  us  entertaining  and  befriending  the  representatives  of 
Fascist  power  in  those  unhappy  lands.  They  wonder  why  we  have  taken  de- 
livery of  these  Fascists  in  the  first  place,  and  why,  now  that  they  are  linown 
and  ticketed  and  catalogued,  we  do  not  invite  them  to  leave. 

The  reason  I  say  that  our  chiefs  need  pressure  is  that  they  get  pressure  from 
the  other  side  to  keep  these  agents  here  and  if  they  could  receive  a  little  pres- 
sure from  us  who  want  them  out  of  here,  they  would  be  sent  out  of  here.  Our 
chiefs  are  not  supermen,  not  fuehrers,  just  our  own  deputies,  and  they  very 
much  depend  on  popular  agitation  for  every  move  they  make. 

Now  I  have  mentioned  the  friendship,  the  anomolous  friendship,  the  em- 
barrassing friendship  we  retain  for  Fascists  who  are  supposed  to  be  our 
enemies,  and,  I  have  not  yet  mentioned  the  topic  named  for  these  remarks. 
Namely,  the  second  front,  which  should  perhaps  better  be  called  simply  our 
share  of  the  war. 

The  Russians  are  doing  their  share.  This  is  admitted,  even  by  their  enemies. 
This  is  admitted  by  those  who  call  themselves  friends  of  Russia  but  who  look 
on  Russia  only  as  a  convenience  and  who  inwardly  hope  that  she  won't  become 
such  a  great  convenience  that  she  will  prove  to  be  an  inconvenience.  The  Rus- 
sians are,  in  fact,  fighting  the  Germans.  This  much  is  accepted.  The  Rus- 
sians have  suffered  heavy  losses  in  men,  land  and  material.  Five  million  men, 
600  thousand  square  miles  of  land  (equal  to  the  land  in  England,  Germany  and 
France),  three  quarters  of  its  mineral  production  and  the  Ukraine  wheatlands. 
[This  was  in  August] 

More  than  .50  million  Russians  now  live  under  the  swastika. 

These  terrible  losses  may  be  taken  lightly  in  this  counti-y.  They  may  in- 
wardly comfort  certain  haters  of  the  land  of  socialism.  But  they  are  nothing 
less  than  stark  tragedy  to  the  Russian  people.  How  can  we  ask  them  to 
understand  our  friendship  for  Mannerheim  of  Finland  who  adds  the  weight 
of  his  Fascist  army  to  their  already  unbearable  woes? 

Can  yon  not  see  the  Russian  soldier,  the  Russian  farmer,  shaking  his  head 
slowly  from  side  to  side  and  saying  to  himself:  "Second  Front.  Second  Front. 
So  much  talk  of  a  second  front  *  *  *  yet  how  is  this?  Not  only  is  there  no 
second  front  *  *  *  not  only  have  we  to  bear  the  weight  of  the  whole  Nazi  army 
but  the  Finnish  army  as  well.  They  say  they  can't  open  a  second  front.  They 
say  they  icant  to  but  can't.  What  is  it  tlien  that  makes  them  support  the 
Finnish  front  against  us  by  recognizing  the  Finnish  Government,  long  ago 
tied  hand  and  foot  to  the  Nazi  scorpion? 

So  you  see  how  these  questions  are  all  part  of  the  same  question.  Fascism 
is  a  world  movement.  A  world  conspiracy,  woven  in  one  pattern,  of  one 
cloth.  Until  we,  the  people,  see  this,  we  are  lost,  and  rhetoric  cannot  save  us. 
Not  even  the  noble  rhetoric  of  Henry  Wallace. 

We  do  not  yet  see  it. 

The  problem  of  the  opening  of  the  second  front  is  one  part  of  the  whole 
problem  of  the  world  anti-Fascist  war  which  is  still  not  being  made.  We  are 
chasing  the  gunmen  while  entertaining  the  crooked  district  attorney  in  our 
home. 

And  even  if  we  beat  Hitler  and  Hirohito,  the  killers,  we  shall  not  have  helped 
ourselves  the  least  bit  if  in  doing  so  we  make  any  commitments  to  the  polite 
district  attorney  Fascist  who  let  them  loose  on  us  in  the  first  place. 

With  regard  to  the  military  aspects  of  opening  a  European  land  front 
against  the  axis,  it  naturally  behooves  a  lavnian  to  talk  with  diffidence  and 
caution.  Only  the  extreme  urgency  of  the  situation  forces  amateur  opinion  to 
express  itself.  As  I  have  indicated.  I  do  not  believe  it  is  skill  we  lack.  It  is  will 
we  lack.  And  that  is  my  chief  concern  here  today.  But  even  the  most  skillful 
professionals  sometimes  get  so  close  to  their  problem  that  they  lose  their  i)er- 
spective.  Moreover,  although  they  may  think  their  politics  does  not  influence 
them,  it  does.  This  political  bias  was  clearly  indicated  when  they  predicted 
that  Russia  would  fold  up  before  the  Nazi  drive  last  year.  This  was  the  mili- 
tary eye  blinded  by  the  political  eyeglasses. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2245 

So  today  I  stress  the  political  unity  of  Fascism  whose  agents  and  whose 
way  of  thinking  are  the  unrecognized  enemy  in  our  midst  and  whose  agents  at 
least  must  be  put  out  of  our  midst  before  we  can  save  ourselves.  It  is  true 
that  there  is  a  great  risk  in  giving  battle  to  the  Nazis  on  European  soil.  We 
might  be  beaten.  That  is  true  of  any  battle.  It  is  not  the  spirit  in  which  the 
Russians  fight.  It  is  not  the  spirit  in  which  the  British  Commandos  fight. 
The  Canadians  will  not  open  the  second  front  in  that  spirit.  They  will  go  in 
to  win.  Their  commander,  General  MacNaughton,  knows  exactly  what  he  is 
up  against.  Yet  he  and  they  are  anxious  to  get  over  and  get  it  over.  This 
risk  which  opponents  of  giving  battle  fear,  is  courted  gladly  by  those  who  will 
have  to  bear  the  risk. 

Hitler's  men,  tougher,  cockier  than  ever,  if  and  when  they  turn  West  once 
more,  having  (the  possibility  must  be  faced)  for  the  time  being,  stabilized 
their  Eastern  front,  will  let  loose  on  the  concentrated  target  of  Plngland,  an 
attack  which  it  is  horrible  to  contemplate.  Before  that  happens,  before  that 
can  happen,  before  they  get  the  jump  on  us  (as  they  have  dcme  so  sickeningly 
often)  and  slaughter  our  boys  in  their  British  camps,  let  those  boys  have  a 
chance  to  show  their  stuff. 

Now  is  the  time,  while  Hitler's  armies  are  caught  deep  in  the  Caucasus  rat- 
trap,  to  spring  the  trap  by  opening  the  Western  Front. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  like  to  show  to  the  committee  an  article  from 
the  Protestant,  June-July  1942,  Whose  Property  Is  This  War?  by 
Kenneth  Leslie,  in  which  he  calls  for  the  making  of  Timoshenko,  the 
Russian  military  commander,  commander  in  chief  of  the  whole  allied 
forces. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  this  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No. 
27,"  Mr.  Chairman,  and  offer  it  into  evidence  at  this  point. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article.  Whose  Property  Is  This  War?  from  the  Protestant, 

June-July  1942,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit 

No.  27.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  27 

(The  Protestant,  June- July  1942,  p.  4) 

Whose  Property  Is  This  War? 

By  Kenneth  Leslie 

TIMOSHENKO  FOB  ALLIED  CHIEF 

If  in  the  last  war,  the  so-called  great  war,  it  became  necessary  to  forge  a  uni- 
fied command  under  the  chieftanship  of  Marshall  Foch,  it  becomes  all  the  more 
necessary  in  this  war,  because  of  its  even  more  complicated  nature  and  its  global 
character,  to  achieve  a  similar  single  coordinating  head. 

The  people  are  watching  very  carefully  the  materialization  of  the  promised 
second  front.  It  could  be  opened  just  too  late.  It  could  be  opened  just  too  little. 
Big  business  is  as  yet  not  quite  willing  to  gear  its  effort  wholeheartedly  with 
Russia,  and  therefore  the  gears  of  the  global  war  are  with  monotonous  repetition 
being  stripped  to  the  bone-crushing  tune  of  too  little,  too  late. 

Any  projected  second  front,  in  order  to  be  honestly  effective,  must  be  geared 
to  the  Russian  front  for  both  military  and  political  reasons. 

For  political  reasons,  because  Russia  is  the  only  country  without  fifth  and 
sixth  columnists.  In  other  words,  Russia  is  where  Hitler  first  found  all-out 
resistance,  and  therefore  the  people  of  the  world,  while  in  nowise  withholding 
their  undying  gratitude  to  the  heroic  defenders  of  Madrid  and  Chunking,  must 
look  upon  Russia  as  the  champion  anti-Fascist  fighter. 

For  military  reasons,  because  so  far  Russia  alone  has  been  able  to  speak  the 
new  military  language  of  Germany,  having  learned  it  at  a  time  when  British 
and  American  military  experts  were  still  fumbling  with  its  ABC's. 

Since  the  fronts  must  be  coordinated  it  appears  elementary  that  the  coordina- 
tion should  be  directed  by  the  man  most  experienced  in  German  war  tactics  and 
of  most  proven  ability  to  cope  with  them :  That  is  General  Semyon  Timoshenko, 
who  would  appear,  therefore,  to  be  the  logical  choice  to  head  the  Supreme  Mili- 
tary Command  of  the  United  Nations. 


2246  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Let  Timoshenko  fit  the  driving  shaft  to  the  tread  of  the  allied  war  machine, 
and  it  will  move  smoothly  and  swiftly  upon  the  Axis  and  will  bury  it  deep  in 
the  bowels  of  the  earth  where  its  stench  will  fade  from  the  memory  of  men. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  like  to  give  you  also  a  quotation  from  the 
Protestant,  December-January  1942.    The  subject  is  God's  Red  Army, 
I  quote : 

It  is  not  because  Russia  has  saved  us  that  we  thank  God  for  the  Red  Army. 
It  is  not  even  because  Russia  has  saved  for  us  the  opportunity  to  save  ourselves. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  because  of  anything  to  do  with  us  either  individually  or  na- 
tionally. It  is  simply  because  of  what  Russia  is  and  because  of  the  quality  of 
the  Red  Array  itself,  the  spiritual  quality  of  its  soldiers,  the  way  its  soldiers 
feel  toward  its  people,  the  way  its  soldiers  feel  toward  their  enemies — this  is 
why  listening  to  our  inmost  voice  we  hear  ourselves  thanking  God  for  the  Red 
Army. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  this  document  in  hand,  Mr.  Chairman,  and 
offer  it  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  28  into  evidence. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  may  be  received. 

(The  quotation  "God's  Ked  Army,"  from  the  Protestant,  December- 
January  1942,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit 
No.  28.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  28 

(The  Protestant,  December-January  1942,  pp.  2  and  3) 

God's  Red  Army 

"Timoshenko" — Password  to  Sanity 

"Russia  has  shown  wisdom  in  the  distinction  she  consistently  and  conspicu- 
ously draws  between  Hitlerite  Germany  and  the  German  people." — Bishop  of 
Chichestek. 

"Our  Red  Army  men  know  what  they  are  defending.  They  are  defending  the 
youngest  country  in  the  world,  the  land  of  youth.  We  are  the  first  in  the  world 
to  construct  a  society  based  not  on  greed  but  on  the  cult  of  labor,  on  creative 
activity,  on  human  solidarity. 

"We  defend  the  land  of  real  culture  against  barbarism.  Dr.  Goebbels  once 
said :  'The  printed  word  nauseates  me.'  Our  reply  was  to  publish  Goethe's 
works  in  700,000  copies  in  eight  languages. 

"I  saw  German  fascists  humiliating  Frenchmen  in  Paris.  In  Warsaw  they 
destroyed  the  monument  of  the  great  Polish  poet  Mickiewicz ;  in  our  country  his 
poems  are  published  in  hundreds  of  thousands  of  copies.  In  our  country 
Kirghiz  actors  come  to  Moscow.  Jubilees  of  Armenian  and  Georgian  poets  are 
celebrated  throughout  our  land.  It  would  never  occur  even  to  a  hooligan  to 
offend  anyone  because  of  his  nationality. 

"Our  youth  is  defending  the  great  cultural  heritage  of  Russia  against  the 
maniacs  who  measure  genius  and  heart  by  the  shape  of  the  skull.  Our  youth 
is  fighting  for  our  land,  for  our  liberty.  They  are  fighting  also  for  the  liberty 
of  the  world.  They  are  fighting  for  human  dignity.  They  are  fighting  for  the 
rights  of  Paris,  desecrated  by  the  executioners,  for  the  University  of  Prague, 
for  proud  Norway,  for  the  huts  of  the  Serbs,  for  the  Acropolis." 

— Ilya  Ehrenbourg. 

It  is  not  because  Russia  has  saved  us  that  we  thank  God  for  the  Red  Army. 

It  is  not  even  because  Russia  has  saved  for  us  the  opportunity  to  save  ourselves. 

Indeed,  it  is  not  because  of  anything  to  do  with  us  either  individually  or 
nationally. 

It  is  .simply  because  of  what  Russia  is  and  because  of  the  quality  of  the  Red 
Array  itself,  the  spiritual  quality  of  its  soldiers,  the  way  its  soldiers  feel  toward 
its  people,  the  way  its  soldiers  feel  toward  their  eneraies.  This  is  why,  listening 
to  our  innermost  voice,  we  hear  ourselves  thanking  God  for  the  Red  Army. 

In  fact  there  are  those  who  put  it  the  other  way  around :  they  thank  the 
Russians  for  renewing  their  faith  in  a  God  they  had  begun  to  doubt.     One  writes-. 

"They  have  sure  pulled  nie  out  of  some  tough  spots.  IMy  circle  of  wolves  is 
small  and  for  that  very  reason  close  and  ready.  When  things  look  black  I  say 
a  word  to  myself,  'Timoshenko.'     It  is  a  password  to  sanity." 


COMJMUXIST    ACT1\1TIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2247 

This  is  so  true.  There  are  many  dark  spots  on  tins  dark  earth  which  the 
sacrificial  blood  of  these  selfless  Soviet  soldiers  has  brighteued  and  redeemed. 

The  Vansittarts  and  the  Duff  Coopers  of  England  who  repeat  the  old  anti- 
German  racism  to  cover  their  own  race  egotism  should  stand  in  sliame  before 
the  armed  citizens  of  the  Soviet.  For  the  Soviet  men  spurn  such  criminal 
stupidity  and  regard  the  German  soldiers  as  their  temporarily  misguided  brothers. 

So  too  the  American  racist,  curbed  by  the  words  and  actions  of  that  bravely 
wise  woman,  Eleanor  Roosevelt,  may  study  to  advantage  his  new  ally. 

There  are  some  things  he  must  learn  from  his  Russian  brother  in  arms  if 
both  are  to  live  in  one  world,  not  white,  nor  colored,  but  human.  It  would  be 
embarrassing  for  an  American  to  find  himself  talking  about  "tlie  yellow  bastards" 
and  to  turn  around  and  find  a  Red  soldier  reproving  him  for  liis  fascist  mentality. 

"Remember  Pearl  Harbour"  is  a  poor  slogan  for  the  effort  of  this  nation. 
Those  who  are  acting  on  this  slogan  and  those  it  took  such  a  slogan  to  unite  are 
those  who  fight  only  on  the  lowest  level,  the  level  of  mere  survival.  Surely  we 
can  do  better  than  this. 

"Remember  Chungking"  for  instance  would  mean  that  we  remembered  the 
10,000  "Pearl  Harbours"  we  made  possible  in  China  during  the  four  years  we 
dispensed  oil  and  junk  to  the  perpetrator  of  those  10,000  "Pearl  Harbours."  A 
long  way  it  is  to  the  lost  and  buried  and  forgotten  conscience  of  our  Western 
World.  But  best  of  all  might  be  "Remember  our  humiliating  exclusion  of  the 
Japanese."  We  can  only  be  forgiven  our  trespasses  if  we  remember  that  we 
trespassed. 

Mr,  Johnson.  I  would  like  also  to  submit  to  you  an  article  from  the 
Protestant,  April  1939;  the  subject,  "Why  Not  Be  Fair  to  the  Soviet 
Union  ? "  by  Jerome  Davis. 

Mr.  Clardy.  That,  I  assume,  to  further  identify  it,  is  just  another 
twist  in  the  party  line. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes.  I  specifically  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
committee  to  the  last  5  paragraphs. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  this  document  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Ex- 
hibit No.  29,"  and  I  offer  it  into  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit 
No.  29,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article.  Why  Not  Be  Fair  to  the  Soviet  Union?  from  the 
Protestant,  April  1939,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson 
exhibit  No.  29.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  29 
(The  Protestant,  April  19.39,  pp.  57  and  58) 

Why  Not  Be  Fair  to  the  Sov^ET  Union? 
[Excerpt] 

By  Jerome  Davis 

Christianity  has  for  nearly  two  thousand  years  proclaimed  its  high  ideals  to 
the  world.  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  if  it  was  actually  carried  out  would 
shatter  and  supersede  our  existing  capitalistic  system.  Yet  after  two  thousand 
years  we  still  have  lynchings  in  the  United  States,  gross  exploitation  of  labor, 
and  even  shootings  in  the  back  of  innocent  workers  by  the  state. 

Communism  has  perhaps  come  nearer  to  bringing  in  equality  and  justice  for 
the  common  working  class  in  twenty  years  than  the  Czar's  Christianity  had  in 
centuries.  Let  us  recognize  then  that  given  another  hundred  years  Russia  may 
make  some  progress  towards  more  freedom  of  expression.  She  may  perhaps 
modify  her  drastic  treatment  of  opponents.  At  least  as  Christians  confronted 
with  the  horrible  crimes  of  wars  supported  in  the  name  of  Christianity  we  can 
hardly  afford  to  throw  stones. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem  the  Soviet  Union  has  a  more  consistent  peace  record 
than  any  other  nation.  It  has  offered  completely  to  disarm  to  any  point  on  which 
the  other  nations  can  agree.  It  is  the  Christian  nations  that  have  blocked  dis- 
armament. 


2248         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Her  successes  have  come  because  she  has  struggled  to  abolish  exploitation  and 
bring  in  justice  for  the  working  class  of  the  world.  In  doing  this  she  has  met 
with  violence  from  the  so-called  Christian  forces  and  her  philosophy  is  to  meet 
violence  with  violence,  if  that  is  necessary. 

Nothing  that  has  here  been  said  is  intended  to  imply  that  no  serious  evils  exist 
within  the  Soviet  Union,  but  rather  that  in  the  endeavor  to  bring  about  inter- 
national peace  and  good  will,  we  ought  at  least  to  understand  one  another.  Those 
who  genuinely  understand  the  Soviet  Union  will  go  back  to  their  own  countries, 
determined  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  end  exploitation  and  bring  about  justice- 
at  home  before  they  begin  to  throw  stones  abroad. 


Dr.  Jerome  Davis,  who  taught  for  thirteen  years  at  the  Yale  Divinity  School, 
is  again  taking  a  very  select  group  to  Europe  this  summer  for  the  Bureau  of 
University  Travel.  The  group  will  visit  eleven  countries,  interviewing  the 
leaders  in  the  governments  as  well  as  taking  in  the  major  points  of  interest. 

Last  summer,  in  London,  the  group  met  with  Malcolm  McDonald,  British 
Minister  of  Colonies  ;  spent  an  evening  with  Professor  Harold  Laski  of  the  London 
School  of  Economics ;  conferred  with  the  well-known  author,  G.  D.  H.  Cole ;  and 
heard  the  Foreign  Minister,  Lord  Halifax, 

The  total  cost  of  the  trip.  New  York  to  New  York,  is  $695,  including  all 
expenses. 

The  cooperative  movement  will  be  studied  in  Denmark  and  Sweden. 

All  those  interested  should  write  immediately  to  Dr.  Davis  at  489  Ocean 
Avenue,  West  Haven,  Connecticut,  for  further  information,  since  the  number 
who  can  go  is  limited. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  one  further  amazing  example,  Mr.  Clardy, 
that  I  would  like  to  give  to  the  committee.  It  purports  to  be  a  letter 
from  one  Daniel  James,  theoretically  a  sailor  in  the  United  States  mer- 
chant marine,  written  to  Christ,  dated  Murmansk,  U.  S.  S.  R.,  May 
10,  1942.  This  is  a  photostat  from  the  Protestant,  pages  38  and  39  in 
the  October-November  issue  of  1942.  The  article  purports  to  show 
that  all  is  milk  and  honey  in  Russia,  and  that  in  Russia  is  the  new 
rebirth  of  freedom  and  religious  purity  such  as  is  associated  with 
Christianity. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  this  document  in  my  hand 
marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  30,"  and  I  offer  it  in  evidence 
at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received,  even  though  it  is  almost  a  sacrilege 
to  bring  it  into  the  record. 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  It  certainly  is. 

(The  article  from  the  Protestant,  October-November  1942,  appear- 
ing on  pages  38  and  39,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson 
exhibit  No.  30.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  30 

(The  Protestant,  October-November  1942,  pp.  38  and  39) 

Meditation  At  Murmansk 

Daniel  James  was  on  the  "Lahaina"  when  she  was  torpedoed  in  the  Pacific^ 
spent  10  days  in  an  open  boat  before  reaching  land,  immediately  shipped  on 
another  boat  to  Murmansk.  That  boat  was  bombed  continuously  for  10  days  by 
German  airplanes.  It  was  after  this  experience  and  while  Murmansk  was  under 
hourly  bombing  that  the  following  letter  was  written. 

Murmansk,  USSR 
May  10,  1942 
Dear  Christ  : 

After  your  death  new  continents  and  lands  were  discovered.  Cities  grew  and 
man's  mind  grew  with  them,  and  learned  to  comprehend  many  of  nature's  mys- 
teries. 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2249 

Great  churches  made  of  carved  stone  and  stained  glass,  small  humble  churches 
of  wood  and  clay,  and  the  church  out  in  the  clearing  with  a  stump  for  a  pulpit, 
they  were  all  used  as  places  to  pass  on  to  others  your  teachings.  They  called  it 
Christianity  after  you.  Man  today,  however,  is  still  pretty  much  the  man  you 
knew.  Christianity,  since  your  time,  has  been  through  hard  straits  as  well  as 
periods  in  which  it  flourished.  In  some  countries  it  became  too  powerful ;  all 
meaning  and  thought  behind  your  teachings  was  lost,  and  in  your  name,  Jesus, 
fraud,  lies,  murder,  promotion  of  schemes  to  rob  honest  men  of  their  bread  and 
to  keep  them  ignorant,  promotion  of  schemes  to  create  war  and  betrayal,  they 
were  all  committed  in  your  name.  Millions  of  good  people  have  been  deceived  by 
the  Church.  "Through  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ  *  *  *,"  an  expression 
it  uses ;  behind  those  words  plans  that  made  poor  working  men  starve  and  inno- 
cent children  to  learn  evil  and  hatred,  were  veiled. 

My  home  is  in  America,  a  relatively  new  country,  one  that  was  discovered 
only  400  years  ago.  Tonight,  and  for  a  little  while,  I'm  living  in  Soviet  Russia, 
a  land  5,000  miles  from  home.  The  whole  world  is  at  war  now.  Twenty-five 
years  ago  the  world  was  in  another  war.  When  the  dust  of  battle  had  cleared, 
the  world  looked  and  saw  a  new  Russia,  one  in  which  there  was  no  church  .  .  . 
I  was  taught  to  believe  that  this  land  of  Russia  was  a  pit  of  hell,  in  which  men 
starved,  children  walked  in  bare  feet,  and  women  were  reduced  to  the  level 
of  some  gear  in  one  of  our  new  machines.  It  was  a  Godless  country  in  which 
people  walked  the  streets  with  sad  and  hungry  faces. 

The  teachers,  the  newspapers,  and  friends  did  not  tell  me  the  truth.  It  is 
a  Godless  country  in  that  the  Church  is  not  recognized  as  it  is  in  other  places 
and  your  name  is  not  used  as  a  screen  for  evil.  These  people  call  their  gov- 
ernment Communism.  In  your  doctrine  I  see  a  marked  similarity  to  the  con- 
stitution of  these  people.  You,  Christ,  were  the  first  to  really  preach  the  brother- 
hood of  man.  You  were  the  first  Communist.  There  have  been  many  real  Com- 
munists since  your  time.  They  were  individuals.  Here  the  great  masses  are 
composed  of  Communists.  A  woman  is  as  good  as  a  man  here.  One  was  the 
Captain  of  a  ship  that  came  in  today.  Another  is  directing  the  men  who  are 
unloading  the  ships.  The  people  have  the  necessities  of  life  such  as  food,  a 
home,  and  clothing.  Luxuries  they  lack  because  of  the  war.  All  walk  and  work 
with  determination  as  though  they  were  going  someplace  and  had  a  real  job 
to  do,  one  that  is  their  own,  one  affecting  themselves.  There  is  singing  and 
laughter  such  as  one  would  find  among  a  contented  people.  All  in  all,  one  can 
say  that  these  people  have  something  to  live  for  and  they  know  it. 

The  rest  of  the  world  has  been  taught  and  bred  to  hate  Communism  and  to 
associate  the  word  with  savagery,  butchery,  barbarism,  hunger,  and  human  de- 
gradation. And  the  very  word  implies  man  living  with  man  as  brother  living 
with  brother. 

Well,  Jesus,  I've  written  about  enough.  I  just  thought  that  you  would  like 
to  know  that  since  your  death,  while  you  have  been  crucified  in  many  countries 
and  on  many  pulpits,  far  worse  than  that  time  on  Calvary  Hill,  your  spirit  has 
been  reborn  in  a  great  people  whether  consciously  or  unconsciously.  They  do  not 
speak  of  you  nor  is  your  name  mentioned.  All  you  have  is  the  great  happiness 
of  seeing  carried  out  your  principles  of  brotherhood  and  justice  among  men  on 
earth.    May  the  rest  of  the  world's  workers  lift  up  their  eyes  to  Russia. 

So  long, 

Daniel  James, 
Sailor  in  the  U.  8.  Merchant  Marine. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  like  to  submit  to  the  committee  an  article  in 
the  Protestant  entitled  "Poison  Well  and  the  Dean's  Book,"  in  which 
they  advocate  all  ministers  should  read  the  dean's  book;  that  is,  the 
Red  dean,  Hewlett  Johnson,  entitled,  "The  Soviet  Power." 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  this  document  marked  "Manning  Johnson 
Exhibit  No.  31,"  Mr.  Chairman.  I  now  offer  it  into  evdence  at  this 
time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article,  Poison  Well  and  the  Dean's  Book,  from  the  Protestant, 
was  received  in  e\ddence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  31.) 


2250         COIVIMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  31 
(The  Protestaut,  October-November  1941,  pp.  10  and  11) 

Poison  Well  and  the  Dean's  Book 

Our  ministers  are  one  of  our  important  opinion-making  groups.  They  get 
their  information  necessarily  and  much  of  their  viewpoint  from  newspapers  and 
magazines  and  books. 

When  the  news  is  poisoned  at  the  source,  as  for  instance  the  news  of  Russia 
has  been  poisoned  at  the  source  during  the  past  20  years,  the  result  is  tliat  our 
ministers  all  innocently  and  unwittingly  have  been  giving  their  people  false  news 
and  views. 

That  is  why  we  have  recommended  that  the  Dean's  book,  The  Soviet  Power,  be 
read.  The  chief  cry  against  the  Dean's  book  is  that  it  leaves  out  the  dark  side 
of  the  Russian  picture — the  ruthless  purges,  for  instance,  of  those  the  Russians 
said  were  traitors  but  our  organs  of  news  and  views  said  were  simply  anti- 
Stalinists. 

Now,  criminally  late,  along  comes  Joseph  E.  Davies,  who  was  American  ambas- 
sador to  Russia  and  who  attended  the  treason  trials  in  person.  He  confesses  in 
the  American  Magazine  (Dec.)  he  was  wrong  about  them.  He  says  he  "missed 
the  boat."  He  says  they  were  treason  trials.  He  says  that  through  them  the 
traitors  and  fifth  columnists  were  weeded  out  in  time.  He  says  this  is  "the  real 
story  behind  the  Russian  purges — and  one  of  the  chief  explanations  for  the 
magnificent  Russian  resistance  to  the  Nazi  juggernaut." 

So  those  who  have  been  hiding  the  Dean's  book  behind  the  bookcase  can  bring 
it  out  into  the  open  now  and  read  aloud  the  liberating  truth  that  is  in  it.  It  has 
sold  well  over  a  million  copies  although  this  is  not  mentioned  in  the  best  seller 
lists.  Read  it.  Pass  it  on.  It  clears  the  fog  of  the  past  two  decades.  It  shows 
us  Russia  and  it  shows  us  ourselves.  We  will  send  you  a  bundle  of  20  copies  for 
the  very  low  price  of  $1. 

Mr.  Johnson,  I  would  like  to  offer  to  the  committee  for  their 
consideration  a  letter  written  by  Anna  Louise  Strong  to  the  editor 
of  the  Protestant,  in  the  October-November  1941,  edition.  Anna 
Louise  Strong,  as  you  know,  was  editor  of  the  Moscow  News  and  was 
for  years  one  of  the  most  active  agents  for  the  Communist  Inter- 
national. 

Mr.  Claedy.  Yes;  we  have  considerable  evidence  in  our  records 
about  her.  and  so  do  other  committees. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Was  her  father  Josiah  Strong,  a  preacher? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Her  father  was  a  minister,  I  think,  somewhere  out 
in  Nebraska. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  this  document  marked  "JNIanning  John.«;on  Ex- 
hibit No.  32,"  Mr.  Chairman,  and  offer  it  into  evidence  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  letter  written  hj  Anna  Louise  Strong  in  the  Protestant,  Oc- 
tober-November 1941,  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson 
Exhibit  No.  32.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  32 

(The  Protestant,  October-November  1941,  pp.  105  and  106) 

Letters  to  the  Editor 

I  was  delighted  to  read  in  this  morning's  paper  of  the  statement  that  1,000 
Protestant  clergymen  have  made  about  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 

I  wonder  whether  you  are  aware  of  the  extent  to  which  the  whole  question 
of  religious  freedom  is  especially  being  used  by  the  Vatican  to  force  the  country 
open  to  its  missionaries.  *  *  *  Ever  since  the  Tsar  fell,  and  the  Orthodox 
Church  lost  its  strong  political-religious  head,  the  Vatican  has  hoped  to  annex 
the  Orthodox  Church.  It  has  been  training  large  numbers  of  priests  especially 
for  the  purpose ;  some  of  them  are  already  in  the  German-occupied  areas.     They 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IX    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2251 

have  a  centuries-old  dream  of  uniting  the  two  great  "Catholic"  branches  of  the 
faith  under  Rome. 

What  prevents  them  is  the  fact  that  Soviet  law  grants  freedom  of  "worship" 
to  the  individual  but  no  freedom  of  "propaganda"  to  the  hierarchy ;  it  does  not 
allow  foreign  missionaries  to  come  in.  Soviet  citizens  may  worship  as  they 
like,  and  their  right  to  so  worship  is  implemented  by  granting  them  the  free  use 
of  church  buildings,  etc.,  etc.  However,  the  legal  ownership  of  these  buildings 
is  vested  in  the  municlpalit,y,  and  not  in  the  hierarchy ;  citizens  get  them  in 
pursuance  of  their  "right  to  worship"  as  citizens,  and  not  as  a  result  of  any 
particular  brand  of  faith. 

Therefore  the  Soviet  property  law  acts  as  a  decentralizing  influence  on  the 
church,  and  prevents  any  hierarchy  from  using  its  control  of  property  to 
enforce  control  of  creed.  This  was  from  the  first  the  chief  cause  of  the  fight 
between  Kremlin  and  Vatican.  *  *  *  Today,  the  Vatican  wants  the  right  to 
send  in  missionaries,  maintain  parochial  schools,  etc.  *  *  *  A  very  small  use 
of  funds  and  personnel  would  "revive"  a  lot  of  rather  moribund  old  churches, 
whose  congregations  find  it  hard  to  support  their  priests.  Their  pressure,  plus 
outside  world  pressure,  might  even  be  used  to  revoke  the  property  law  and  give 
the  Vatican  control  of  buildings. 

You  will  note  that  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  is  not  pushing  the  crusade 
for  religious  freedom.  The  Church  of  England  has  good  fraternal  relations 
with  the  Orthodox  Church  and  doesn't  want  these  complicated  by  a  sudden  influx 
of  high-powered  missionaries  and  funds  from  Rome. 

Anna  Lotjise  Strong. 

Nexo  York,  N.  Y. 

[We  are  glad  to  have  this  word  from  Anna  Louise  Strong,  but  must  correct  its 
correction  slightly.  She  says  that  "Soviet  law  grants  freedom  of  'worship'  to 
the  individual  but  not  freedom  of  'propaganda'  to  the  hierarchy."  Not  only  from 
the  hierarchy  does  the  Soviet  law  withhold  freedom  of  propaganda  but  from  anti- 
hierarchical  (even  antiecclesiastical)  Baptists,  most  of  whom  are  devoted  sup- 
porters of  the  Soviet  regime.  There  may  be  a  reason  for  this,  but  of  the  fact 
there  can  be  no  doubt. 

I  recently  spoke  to  a  large  meeting  of  Armenians  in  New  York.  These  Armen- 
ians were  all  small  merchants  and  therefore  not  sympathetic  to  communism. 
Yet  there  was  unanimity  among  them  in  the  conviction  that  the  Armenian 
Church  was  flourishing  in  Soviet  Armenia.  This  state  of  affairs  was  attributed 
by  the  speakers  (including  an  Archbishop)  to  the  fact  that  their  church  is  in 
no  degree  involved  in  political  ambitions. — K.  L.] 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  another  article  here  from  the  Protestant 
which  gloats  over  the  passage  of  the  atomic  power  from  the  "West  to 
the  East  and  is  smug  over  the  fact  that  Russia  stole  the  atomic  bomb, 
and  the  article  speaks  also  in  favor  of  Mao  against  the  United  States. 
It  is  in  the  January-February-March  issue  of  1950  of  the  Protestant, 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  I  have  this  document  in  my  hand  and  have  it  marked 
"Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  33,"  and  I  now  offer  it  in  evidence, 
Mr.  Chairman,  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article  from  the  Protestant,  January-February-March  1950, 
was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  33.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  33 

(The  Protestant,  January-February-March  1950,  vol.  VIII,  No.  6,  pp.  4-6) 

Tito  and  the  Balance  op  Power 

Louis  Adamic  is  one  of  the  returning  travelers  from  Yugoslavia  (he  is  a  native 
Yugoslav)  who  have  become  champions  of  Tito  in  his  defection  from  the  Russian 
side  of  the  world  struggle. 

In  his  paper  Trends  &  Tides  Adamic  says  he  tried  to  get  into  Russia  and  told 
the  Russian  oflScials  that  he  wanted  to  visit  the  Soviet  Union  before  going  any- 
where else  because  "in  the  making  of  peace  her  responsibility  was  equal  to 
America's."  Yet  Adamic  admits  that  the  Unites  States  is  "the  world's  greatest 
povp'er."    Power  carries  responsibility.     The  greater  the  power  the  greater  the 


2252         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

responsibility.  Therefore  Russia's  responsibility  in  the  making  of  peace  cannot 
be  equal  to  America's. 

Another  admission  by  Adamic:  "*  *  *  without  her  (U.  S.  S.  R.'s)  existence 
■Communists  could  not  have  so  much  as  dreamed  of  a  revolution  in  Yugoslavia." 

An  even  more  primary  fact  should  be  faced :  The  Soviet  Union  has  been  in  a 
state  of  siege  through  the  whole  of  her  existence  right  down  to  the  date  on  which 
you  read  these  words.  True,  her  influence  and  power  have  grown  through  the 
years.  She  is  however,  even  with  China  and  the  bomb,  not  yet  strong  enough  to 
balance  the  world  coalition  against  her. 

When  that  day  of  balance  arrives,  and  not  before  then  shall  we  have  the 
conditions  necessary  to  begin  to  make  order  in  the  world.  These  conditions  will 
be  such  a  close  approach  to  equality,  industrial  and  military,  between  the  two 
power  blocs  that  one  side  will  not  be  tempted  to  attack  the  other. 

Since  at  present  the  preponderance  of  power  is  on  the  American  side  it  is 
obvious  that  the  cause  of  peace  is  set  back  by  each  further  accession  of  power  to 
that  side.  That  is  why  the  defection  of  Tito  to  the  American  side  is  such  a  blow 
to  peace. 

For  we  are  still  living  in  an  era  of  power  politics  in  which  unbalance  or  pre- 
ponderance of  one  power  group  is  latent  war.  Our  destruction  of  Hiroshima  was 
an  act  of  war  against  Russia,  to  push  her  out  of  the  Pacific.  Our  seizure  of  the 
Pacific  bases  was  an  act  of  war  against  Russia,  the  act  of  a  power  so  awe-inspiring 
that  the  rest  of  the  world,  including  Russia,  opened  its  mouth  and  said  nothing. 

The  defeat  of  Germany,  Italy,  and  Japan  and  the  Civil  War  in  China  left  great 
power  vacuums.  The  allies  of  Russia,  suddenly  turned  enemies,  tried  to  fill  these 
vacuums.  Up  to  date  they  have  control  of  Italy,  Japan,  and  two-thirds  of 
Germany.  China  they  missed  out  on,  but  it  will  take  time  for  China  to  get 
herself  industrially  organized.  So  that  preponderance  of  power  as  of  this  instant 
remains  with  the  American  coalition. 

In  other  words  Russia  is  not  yet  free  from  her  state  of  siege.  Her  enemies 
are  quick  to  take  advantage  of  any  opening.  Their  aim  is  clear.  It  is  called 
containment.  It  is  really  elimination — destruction.  Their  organizations  of 
espionage  are  constantly  on  the  lookout  for  vv^eak  spots  in  the  ring  of  Russia's 
friendly  nations.  They  prepare  sabotage  and  defection.  They  bribe.  They 
corrupt.     They  stir  up  counterrevolution. 

It  was  Chesterton  who  said  that  the  principal  objection  to  a  quarrel  is  that  it 
interrupts  an  argument.  It  is  too  bad  that  the  United  Nations  Assembly  could 
not  be  the  scene  of  an  argument  between  Vishinsky  and  the  Yougoslav  Bebler. 
But  the  premise  of  such  an  argument  has  been  undermined.  The  premise  of 
argument  is  mutual  respect.  Tlie  Russian  people  respect  the  Yugoslav  people, 
but  they  cannot  respect  a  regime  which  Truman  and  Bevin  are  using  against 
Russia,  the  only  bulwark  defending  that  same  Yugoslavia  from  counterrevolution 
and  conquest  by  Capitalism  ! 

TWO  JUSTICES 

The  war  today  is  a  war  between  two  justices.  One  is  Capitalist  and  the 
other  is  Communist.  One  calls  itself  Christian  and  holds  property  sacred.  The 
other  calls  itself  materialist  and  holds  human  beings  sacred.  The  war  between 
these  two  is  seen  clearly  in  Italy  where  peasants  are  taking  away  property  from 
big  landowners  and  dividing  it  up  among  themselves.  This  is  the  ending  of  a 
long  and  fruitless  argument.     This  is  a  difference  resolved  by  force. 

And  right  here  the  same  thing  should  be  noticed  that  Adamic  noticed  about 
Yugoslavia  and  that  Mao  Tse-tung  proclaimed  about  China.  This  thing  could 
not  have  happened  unless  the  Soviet  had  built  a  backlog  of  power  behind  it. 
Here  is  an  example,  one  of  many,  of  how  the  moral  power  of  the  Soviet  Union 
is  growing.  The  Gasperri  government  is  moving  to  relieve  land  hunger  in  Italy 
in  answer  to  the  moral  challenge  of  Communism. 

This  kind  of  thing  is  happening  all  over  the  world.  Right  here  in  America 
there  is  a  recent  quickening  of  a  long-lapsed  movement  to  redress  color  discrim- 
ination. In  this  movement  we  are  being  forced  by  world  public  opinion  to  answer 
the  challenge  of  the  Communist  victory  over  color  discrimination.  We  say : 
Christianity  theoretically  knows  no  color  discrimination.  Shall  we  allow  Com- 
munists to  be  better  Christians  than  we  are  and  to  shame  us  before  the 
non-Christian  world? 

So  we  are  morally  paced  by  the  Communists  ! 

The  same  thing  will  some  day  happen  to  our  "property  justice"  which  protects 
the  exploitation  of  labor  for  profit.  This  too  will  go  on  the  defensive  when  the 
news  gets  out  that  people  can  enjoy  life  without  exploiting  each  other.  When 
this  happens  the  war  will  be  at  an  end. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2253 

But  today  there  is  only  force  majeure,  call  it  bullying  if  you  like.  Vishinsky 
said,  "I  hit  you  with  facts,  you  hit  me  with  votes."  At  last,  however,  one  of 
Vishinsky's  facts  talked  the  language  that  bullies  understand:  Russia  joined 
the  ranks  of  the  atomic  powers.  We  have  dealt  with  the  meaning  of  that  event 
in  another  place. 

It  takes  time  for  events  to  work  out  their  moaning.  And  no  one  can  predict 
exactly  how  they  will  work  out.  The  important  thing  is  to  hold  fast  to  the  basic 
realities.  In  a  world  struggle  such  as  is  going  on  today,  in  which  for  the  first 
time  in  recorded  history  there  is  a  real  chance  for  a  great  revolution  to  resist 
the  tides  of  counterrevolution  and  "stay  put,"  there  is  no  room  for  any  individual, 
nation,  or  regional  group  of  nations  to  put  its  fate  above  the  fate  of  the  world. 

Let  us  never  forget  that  the  infant  Spanish  Republic  was  murdered  in  its 
cradle  before  the  Soviet  Power  had  tempered  her  steel  in  a  terrible  war  and  had 
become  a  great  world  power. 

Capitalist  "civilization"  sided  with  the  murderers,  took  the  risk  of  helping 
them  perpetrate  their  crime  because  Russia  at  that  time  was  in  no  position 
to  prevent  it.  If  you  ask  Mao  Tse-tung  why  the  Capitalist  nations  didn't  do 
the  same  job  on  the  Chinese  Republic,  he  will  tell  you  that  it  was  because  the 
Soviet  power  was  absent  from  no  battle  of  the  Chinese  Revolution,  no  skirmish 
however  small.  Not  by  sending  soldiers  or  arms,  but  by  being  in  the  world,  a 
strong  threat  to  the  political  abortionists. 

It  is  Soviet  Power  which  protects  the  integrity  of  Poland  and  the  other  peo- 
ple's governments  today.  It  is  Soviet  Power  which  no  whit  less  protects  the 
Yugoslavs,  as  too  it  protects  China  and  all  the  revolutionary  peoples  of  Asia. 
The  United  States  is,  as  Walter  Lippmann  says,  "not  in  a  position  to  overthrow 
Mao  Tse-tung  *  *  *  to  defend  Hong  Kong  or  to  seal  the  borders  of  Indochina, 
Siam,  and  P>urma.  *  *  *  Any  attempt  on  our  part  to  rely  on  military  power — 
particularly  when  we  cannot  exercise  it  in  the  area  concerned — can  result  only 
in  the  destruction  of  our  influence." 

There  it  is  from  a  conservative  who  keeps  his  head  on  his  shoulders.  Don't 
interfere  where  you  can't  interfere.  But  he  doesn't  quite  come  clean  with  the 
why.  That  "why"  is  Soviet  Power,  the  same  "why"  the  new  Chinese  Republic  is 
born  and  thrives.    That  is  what  Mao  says. 

Perhaps  it  is  not  too  late  for  the  Yugoslavs  to  realize  their  mistake  in  letting 
go  of  the  rock  on  which  they  founded  their  federation.  Somehow,  at  whatever 
cost,  they  must  get  back  there  where  they  started. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  ends  that  part  of  it. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  the  record  show  we  shall  recess  at  this  point  until 
9 :  30  a.  m.  tomorrow. 

( Wliereupon,  at  4 :  22  p.  m.,  the  hearing  recessed  to  9 :  30  a.  m.  Tues- 
day, July  14,  1953.) 


INVESTIGATION  OF  COMMUNIST  ACTIVITIES  IN  THE 
NEW  YOEK  CITY  AREA— PAKT  8 

(Baf^ed  on  Testimony  of  Manning  Johnson) 


TUESDAY,  JULY   14,   1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on 

Un-Aivierican  Activities, 

Washington^  D.  G. 
executive  session^ 

The  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
met,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  at  10  a.  m.,  in  room  225-A,  Old  House 
Office  Building,  Washington,  D.  C,  Hon.  Kit  Clardy  presiding. 

Committee  members  present :  Representatives  Kit  Clardy  and  Clyde 
Doyle. 

Staff  members  present :  Robert  L.  Kunzig,  counsel. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Proceed,  Counsel. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  All  right. 

TESTIMONY  OF  MANNING  JOHNSON— Resumed 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  have  here  an  article  in  my  hand  from  the  Protestant 
entitled  "God  and  Starvation — a  True  Story  by  Cedric  Belfrage." 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Is  that  the  same  Cedric  Belfrage  who  appeared  before 
this  committee  in  New  York  in  May  of  this  year  and  took  the  fifth 
amendment,  refusing  to  answer  questions  as  to  whether  he  had  given 
espionage  material  to  the  Russians  during  the  war  as  charged  by 
Elizabeth  Bentley  in  public  testimony  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  interject?  As  I  recall,  we  asked  him  some  ques- 
tions about  his  writing  in  the  magazine  in  question,  the  Protestant, 
and  I  think  he  took  the  fifth  amendment  on  that  also. 

Mr.  KuNziQ.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  that  in  my  hand,  a  photo- 
static copy  of  the  article,  entitled,  "God  and  Starvation — a  True 
Story,"  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  34,"  and  I  ask  that 
same  be  admitted  into  the  record. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article,  God  and  Starvation — a  True  Story,  from  the  Prot- 
estant was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  34.) 


'  Released  by  the  full  committee. 

2255 


2256         COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  34 

(The  Protestant,  October-November  1941,  pp.  66-75) 

God  and  Starvation — A  Teue  Story 

(By  Cedric  Belfrage) 

" — Hefner  vpent  away." 

[CJondensed  from  two  chapters  of  South  of  God,  the  Life  of  Claude  Williajms, 
by  Cedric  Belfrage ;  Modern  Age,  New  York] 

"Yes  .  .  .  but  it's  my  job  to  minister  to  all  people.    I  can't  take  sides." 
"But  don't  you  see  that  by  your  very  silence  you  are  taking  sides?    Siding  tcith 
mealtli  and  property  against  the  multitudes  for  whoru  the  Nas:arene  stood?" 
«  *  ***** 

There  was  a  strike  in  Fort  Smith,  Ark.  Relief  workers  there  had  been  getting 
30  cents  an  hour  and  averaged  2  or  3  days'  work  a  week.  Some  were  only  doing 
12  hours  a  week.  The  funds  to  create  these  jobs  came  from  Washington,  but  the 
administration  of  the  work  was  in  the  hands  of  State  authorities,  under  a 
governor  who  was  a  planter.  These  authorities  had  advised  Washington  that 
southern  workers  did  not  need  as  much  relief  as  northern  workers;  they  were 
used  to  wearing  less  and  eating  less.  The  rate  of  pay  had  to  be  fixed  so  low  that  it 
could  not  tempt  the  cotton  slaves  away  from  the  plantations.  And  now  the 
miners'  union  contract  was  about  to  expire;  and  it  was  planned  to  cut  their 
wages  again ;  but  in  order  to  force  the  miners  to  take  this  cvit,  relief -work  pay 
had  also  to  be  reduced.  The  relief  workers  were  told  they  would  now  receive 
20  instead  of  30  cents  an  hour.  It  was  the  last  straw,  and  they  declared  a 
strike. 

The  strike  leader  was  a  miner  named  Horace  Bryan.  There  was  a  Govern- 
ment official  there  appointed  to  investigate  destitution  in  the  State.  This  man's 
name  was  Rev.  Claude  Williams  of  the  Presbyterian  Church. 

Bryan  one  day  went  to  the  jail  to  demand  release  of  a  striker  who  had  been 
illegally  arrested.  Instead  of  releasing  the  striker  they  locked  Bryan  up  with 
him. 

On  the  day  before  Bryan's  trial  Claude  led  a  great  hunger  march  through 
the  streets  of  Fort  Smith.  Whites,  Negroes,  Mexicans,  and  Indians  marched 
behind  him  singing  hymns.  The  people  of  property  in  Fort  Smith  watched  the 
faces  of  the  marchers  as  they  went  by  singing,  and  smelled  trouble.  The  faces 
of  the  marchers  said  they  were  hungry  even  more  plainly  than  the  banners  they 
carried,  but  the  people  of  property  saw  only  a  band  of  cutthroats  menacing  law 
and  order.  It  looked  like  revolution,  and  the  word  tightened  the  lips  and 
hardened  the  hearts  of  all  good  citizens. 

The  court  was  so  jammed  for  the  trial  of  Bryan  that  the  architect  of  the 
court  house  was  called  in  to  announce  it  might  collapse  if  some  people  did  not 
leave.  Nobody  left.  Nearly  all  the  people  in  the  court  were  strikers.  They  sat 
very  quiet  and  silent.  To  ease  the  tension  the  judge  offered  some  humorous 
and  sarcastic  remarks,  but  nobody  laughed.  Sweat  beaded  his  flat  brow  and  he 
looked  increasing  uneasy.  Claude  was  summoned  as  a  witness,  but  was  put  on 
trial  as  if  he  were  accused  with  Bryan. 

The  judge  seemed  to  feel  the  atmosphere  was  not  right  for  passing  sentence 
on  Bryan,  and  the  verdict  was  postponed  over  the  weekend.  Bryan  was  allowed 
free  on  bail.  After  the  session  Claude  applied  to  the  judge  for  permission 
to  hold  a  Sunday  afternoon  service  for  the  strikers  there  in  the  court  house. 

"I  know  it's  an  unusual  request.  Judge,"  he  said,  "but  it  would  give  these 
people  something  to  do  to  prevent  violence.  It  is  bitter  cold  outside  and  they 
have  nowhere  else  to  go.    It  would  keep  the  struggle  on  a  high  ethical  basis." 

"You  can  keep  your  struggle  on  a  high  ethical  basis  in  the  ball  park,"  said  the 
judge.    "But  I'd  advise  you  to  leave  these  men  alone." 

Claude  held  his  service  in  the  ball  park.  It  was  not  actually  freezing,  but  the 
great  crowd  of  strikers  who  came  to  worship  and  hear  Claude  preach  were  sooa 
blue  with  cold,  for  they  were  half  naked.  The  sheriff,  mayor,  and  judge  came 
with  detectives  and  policemen  and  stood  on  the  crowd's  edge,  snugly  overcoated. 
The  strikers,  white  and  black  and  brown,  prayed  and  sang  together.  The  re- 
spectable ministers  of  Fort  Smith  had  refused  to  attend  the  service,  but  five 
lowly  lay  preachers  cooperated  with  Claude. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2257 

A  Negro  preacher  led  the  people  in  prayer.  Claude  preached  on  the  text: 
"Wherefore  criest  thou  unto  me?  Speak  unto  the  children  of  Israel  that  they 
go  forward."  He  said  that  it  was  the  strikers'  unshaken  solidarity,  not  the  fear 
of  violence,  that  was  giving  the  respectable  citizens  of  Fort  Smith  the  jitters. 
After  the  service  he  tried  to  speak  to  the  sheriff  and  police  to  make  them  under- 
stand the  peaceful  intentions  of  the  strikers.  They  walked  away  and  would 
not  speak  to  him. 

Next  afternoon  another  hunger  march  was  arranged.  The  strikers  planned  to 
meet  for  prayers  in  a  field  on  the  edge  of  the  city,  then  march  across  town.  In 
the  morning  the  mayor  sent  a  message  that  there  must  he  no  march. 

There  was  in  effect  a  declaration  of  martial  law.  The  strikers  sent  word  back 
to  the  mayor:  "This  is  America.  We  can  march.  If  there  is  any  law  against  it, 
it  is  unconstitutional." 

The  mayor  telephoned  that  gas  bombs  would  be  thrown  to  disperse  any  march, 
and  hoses  would  be  turned  on  the  people.  Claude  replied  that  they  would  all  be 
glad  to  take  a  bath  together.  The  mayor  said :  "If  this  march  is  attempted,  there 
will  be  bloodshed.     There  will  be  murder." 

Then  Claude  telephoned  the  police,  telling  them  the  route  of  the  march  and  the 
number  of  marchers,  and  asking  for  protection.  The  mayor,  he  said,  had 
threatened  violence,  but  there  would  be  no  violence  from  the  marchers.  They 
intended  to  shed  no  blood. 

"There  isn't  going  to  be  any  march,"  the  police  chief  said. 

"We're  going  to  attempt  it." 

"And  we'll  attempt  to  break  it  up." 

"That  is  probably  to  be  expected." 

The  strikers  assembled,  and  Claude  spoke  to  them  from  an  improvised  plat- 
form, on  which  an  American  flag  had  been  placed. 

A  poor  preacher  led  the  people  in  prayer.  As  they  stood  with  bowed  heads,  a 
line  of  police  cars  drew  up.  The  police  chief  with  some  men  charged  on  to  the 
platform,  pushing  the  prayer  leader  and  Claude  to  the  ground,  and  knocking  the 
flag  askew. 

"Watch  out  for  that  flag !"  said  Claude. 

"To  hell  with  the  flag !    It's  you  I  want." 

Claude  urged  the  strikers :  under  no  circumstances,  whatever  might  be  done  to 
them,  must  they  let  themselves  be  provoked.  If  the  hose  was  turned  on  them 
they  must  walk  right  through  it.    They  must  not  carry  so  much  as  a  pocketknife. 

Claude,  Bryan,  and  the  others  were  piled  into  a  police  car  filled  with  guns  and 
gas  bombs.  A  policeman  was  clutching  Claude  with  trembling  fist  as  if  he  were 
some  dangerous  criminal. 

At  the  jail  the  men  who  had  been  arrested  for  praying  on  the  public  street  to 
the  God  of  the  poor  asked  to  see  the  warrants  for  their  arrest.  The  police  officials 
looked  at  them  as  if  to  warn  them  this  was  no  time  for  the  funny  stuff,  and  put 
them  into  cells. 

Claude  and  Bryan  were  in  a  14-by-lO  foot  cell  with  6  others  who  introduced 
themselves  as  Mike  Chibuski,  Dennis  Rome,  Frank  and  Demas  Ray,  .Tack  Brown, 
and  Jimmle  Reynolds.  The  boys  were  already  used  to  jail  routine  and  passed 
the  time  playing  poker  and  talking  sex.  One  of  them  had  syphilis  and  another 
had  gonorrhea. 

In  a  corner  was  a  nouflushable  receptacle,  encrusted  and  undisinfected,  for 
the  use  of  all  the  guests.  Some  of  the  bunks  were  bare  and  some  had  filthy, 
sour-smelling  pads  and  blankets.  Lying  about  the  floor  were  tin  cups  and  spoons 
which,  Mike  Chibuski  said,  were  passed  down  through  the  years  without  clean- 
ing.   The  floor  was  dirty  and  the  unventilated  cell  was  full  of  stifling  dust. 

Later  another  guest  arrived  in  the  cell  and  reported  what  the  boys  were  say- 
ing around  town :  that  the  vigis  would  be  calling  at  the  jail  at  2  in  the  morning 
to  take  Claude  and  Bryan  for  a  ride  into  Oklahoma. 

It  sounded  not  improbable,  but  there  was  nothing  they  could  do  about  it. 

Claude  woke  in  the  grey  dawning  and  was  surprised  to  find  he  was  still  there. 
Joyce  was  allowed  to  see  him  during  the  morning.  She  told  him  through  the 
bars  that  their  house  had  been  raided  during  the  night  by  the  police  who  had 
warned  her  of  worse  to  come.  The  whole  city  was  a  piece  of  tinder,  she  said, 
ready  to  flare  up  at  the  drop  of  a  pink  hat.  People  were  acting  as  though  pos- 
sessed by  devils. 

In  the  afternoon  Bryan  was  taken  to  court  and  sentenced  to  6  months  and  a 
$500  fine.  Then  Claude  and  the  others  were  called  and  charged  with  barratry, 
and  their  bail  set  at  $1,200  each.  The  judge  managed  to  crack  off  several  good 
jokes  during  the  brief  business. 


2258         COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Bryan  was  put  in  another  cell,  and  Claude  felt  alone  and  depressed.  Joyce 
had  said  she  would  be  back  before  evening  and  she  had  not  come,  and  he  Kept 
thinking  of  the  way  the  police  had  threatened  her.  His  fears  for  her  and  tlie 
children  combined  with  the  uncertainty  of  his  own  position,  wondering  when 
the  vigilantes  might  come  to  take  him  out  for  a  ride,  made  sleep  impossible. 

The  dawn  came  grey  and  cold  and  he  was  still  there.  He  had  not  slept  at  nil 
and  he  felt  dirty.  He  needed  a  shave,  and  in  order  to  get  it  he  had  to  let  the  .jail 
barber  use  on  liim  the  same  razor  he  had  been  using  on  the  syphilitic.  He  was 
allowed  to  take  a  bath,  without  any  towel,  in  a  filthy  bathroom.  He  complained 
of  the  conditions  to  the  sheriff,  but  the  sheriff  looked  oddly  at  him  for  a  minute 
and  said  he  could  not  do  anything. 

The  day  wore  on.  His  attorney  came  with  Joyce  and  said  that  during  the 
night  two  of  the  relief  workers  who  were  trying  to  lead  the  strike  had  l)eeu 
taken  for  a  ride  by  masked  men,  and  threatened  with  lynching. 

When  he  was  brought  into  the  courthouse  the  building  was  filled  with  a  great 
crowd  of  overalled  workers  with  dirty,  weary,  hungry  faces.  All  the  people 
who  had  gathered  for  the  hunger  march  were  there,  and  hundreds  more.  They 
covered  the  courthouse  square  and  steps,  filled  the  lobby  and  the  staircase  lead- 
ing to  the  courtroom.  Against  the  walls  squatted  Negroes  and  Indians,  who 
had  been  waiting  since  early  morning  to  see  their  preacher. 

The  sight  of  the  great  crowd  lifted  Claude's  spirit.  The  sheriff,  whose  breath 
was  perfumed  with  whiskey,  went  through  the  press  of  Negroes  and  white  trash, 
kicking  them  aside  to  make  a  lane. 

The  courtroom  was  packed  tight.  The  flat-headed  .iudge,  wearing  a  red  tie, 
sat  back  in  his  chair  and  dribbled  from  the  corners  of  his  mouth.  Forty  or 
fifty  vigilantes  were  packed  in  on  either  side  of  him.  The  jurymen  were  hard- 
bitten types,  lean  and  vindictive  looking. 

Tlie  preacher  looked  about  to  see  if  any  of  his  fellow  ministers  had  come,  but 
he  saw  only  Rabbi  Teitelbaum  sitting  near  the  front.  A  quick  look  of  under- 
standing passed  between  him  and  the  rabbi,  who  was  evidently  suffering,  aware 
of  his  impotence. 

The  court  would  not  try  the  group  of  arrested  men  together.  Chiude  was 
taken  first.     He  was  public  enemy  No.  1  in  Fort  Smith. 

A  feeling  of  calm  settled  upon  him  and  that  queer  detachable  part  of  himself 
flew  up  into  the  rafters  and  looked  down  impersonally  on  the  scene,  laughing. 
The  trial  was  a  buffoonery.  The  workers  in  the  body  of  the  court  sat  very  still. 
The  faces  of  the  jurymen  were  hard  like  granite,  except  when  the  prosecuting 
attorney  found  some  especially  vile  thing  to  say  about  Claude,  when  they  nudged 
one  another  and  grinned  knowingly.  The  judge  comfortable  on  his  throne  with 
the  vigilantes  about  him,  sneered  humorous  asides  from  time  to  time. 

Delighting  in  his  role  of  defender  of  the  faith  against  a  devil  in  priest's 
clothing,  the  prosecuting  attorney  dramatized  himself  with  shouts  and  stamping. 
There  was  little  chance  for  Claude  to  say  anything,  but  when  he  could,  he 
answered  the  fantastic  questions  with  dignity  and  wit. 

After  2  or  3  hours  of  it  night  had  fallen,  and  there  was  a  recess.  One  of  the 
vigilantes  walked  up  and  down  many  times  shaking  his  head  and  staring  at 
Claude,  as  if  to  say :  "We've  got  you  where  we  want  you  now."  The  workers 
crowded  past  him  and  stood  10  deep  at  the  rail,  reaching  for  the  preacher's  hand 
and  calling  out: 

"Hi,  Preacher  !     Good  work  !     Keep  it  up." 

Claude  strolled  inside  the  rail,  shaking  their  hands  and  joking  with  them. 
Finally  the  judge  banged  his  gavel  and  shouted  humorously : 

"Reverend  Doctor  Mister  Williams!  Will  you  set  down?  These  ipeople  have 
been  mighty  good  so  fur  and  I  don't  want  you  stirring  them  up !" 

The  court  would  not  allow  any  relevant  evidence  at  all  to  be  presented.  It 
might  as  well  be  gotten  over  with  quickly  without  bringing  others  into  it. 

No  defense  witnesses  were  called.  The  jury  found  him  guilty  of  barratry 
in  less  than  10  minutes.     He  was  sentenced  to  90  days  and  a  $100  fine. 

Claude  appealed  the  case  and  went  back  to  jail  with  the  sheriff.  There  was 
nothing  to  do  but  wait  for  his  bond  to  be  raised  and  accepted. 

He  had  kept  up  his  spirit  in  court,  but  tlie  jail  was  beginning  to  get  on  his 
nerves.  The  dirt  and  the  stink  of  excrement  and  the  talk  of  some  of  his  cell 
mates,  degraded  by  brutish  social  forces,  nauseated  him.  The  thought  of  his 
children,  who  might  be  without  food  and  certainly  were  in  danger,  would  not 
leave  him. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2259 

During  the  night  a  mad  boy  in  the  next  cell  began  to  do  some  extraordinary 
imitations  of  birds  and  animals.  The  prisoners  yelled  at  him  to  stop,  but  he 
persisted,  and  linally  Claude  hi^ard  the  jailers  go  in  and  beat  him.  The  mad 
boy  was  silent  after  that,  but  it  was  impossible  to  sleep.  The  boy's  cries  rang 
in  his  ears. 

As  he  had  left  the  courthouse  he  had  been  able  to  sense  the  tension  in  the 
crowd ;  he  had  read  the  vigilantes'  faces  and  heard  them  nnitteriug  threats,  and 
he  knew  they  were  liable  to  come  any  time.  They  might  be  afraid  to  lynch 
him  because  of  the  inllueiilial  friends  they  knew  he  had  outside  the  State,  and 
because  he  was  a  minister.  But  if  the  mob  frenzy  were  great  enough,  such 
considerations  would  not  stop  them.  His  life  hung  perhaps  in  a  scales  and 
it  was  just  a  question  whether  hysteria  or  caution  tipped  the  balance. 

Another  dawn,  and  Claude  was  still  unlyiiched.  He  began  to  think  this  danger 
was  iiassing  and  maybe  soon  he  might  be  able  to  have  some  sleep. 

When  be  bad  i)een  there  2  weeks  and  the  authorities  were  still  making  dif- 
ficulties about  bail,  Claude  decided  to  try  and  call  the  local  nunisters'  hand.  He 
was  a  minister  officially  in  good  standing,  shut  up  in  a  cell  on  a  technicality  of 
the  law ;  a  mere  $1,200  bond  stood  in  the  way  of  his  liberation  ;  yet  not  one 
preacher  of  Christ  in  Forr  Smitli  had  so  much  as  come  to  the  jail.  Rabbi  Teitel- 
baum  had  come,  he  had  heard,  to  ask  whether  bail  had  been  arranged.  Accord- 
ing to  Joyce,  only  one  intluential  man  in  the  rabbi's  congregation  had  been  able 
to  save  him  from  violence  which  the  citizens  wanted  to  visit  upon  him  for  this 
action.     Teitelbaum,  the  Jew,  was  risking  much  to  act  like  a  Christian. 

Claude  asked  his  lawyers  to  call  the  ministers  to  the  jail  to  see  him.  None 
came  save  Hefner,  who  as  moderator  of  the  Presbytery  could  not  refuse  the  plain 
request.  He  was  embarrassed  at  the  meeting.  He  had  never  been  inside  a  jail 
before  and  knew  nothing  of  what  went  on.  Claude  asked  him  whether  he  could 
not  help  in  the  bonding  matter  without  involving  himself. 

"I  don't  know,"  Hefner  said.  "There  are  so  many  angles  to  it.  I  cannot 
sympathize  with  agitators.  I  don't  see  what  they  hope  to  accomplish,  striking 
against  the  Government  when  they  are  on  ?harity.  It  isn't  a  minister's  place  to 
lead  strikes  and  stir  up  hatred.     He  must  be  a  friend  to  all." 

"But  we  were  in  prayer  when  they  arrested  us.  It  was  not  we  who  stirred 
up  trouble." 

"Yes — but  it's  my  job  to  minister  to  all  people.     I  can't  take  sides." 

"P>ut  don't  you  see  that  by  your  very  silence  you  are  taking  sides?  Siding  with 
wealth  and  property  against  the  midtitudes  for  whom  the  Nazarene  stood?" 

Hefner  went  away. 

By  the  18th  day,  with  his  friends  outside  still  working  feverishly  to  bail  him 
out,  the  jail  was  getting  Claude  seriously  down.  The  noises  and  smells  were 
like  knives  cutting  deep  into  his  brain,  and  he  could  not  keep  the  cell  walls  from 
closing  in  on  him  to  crush  him;  the  sensation  was  so  sharp  that  he  almost 
cried  out. 

A  drunk  had  been  brought  in  that  evening  and,  to  add  to  the  din,  he  was  yelling 
a  mad  song.  The  jailer  went  to  a  woman's  cell,  and  everyone  listened  to  the 
sound  of  the  rubber  hose  on  her  body  until  her  shrieks  died  away. 

It  was  the  last  night  of  Claude's  postgraduate  course  in  the  pain  of  the  despised 
and  rejected.  They  took  the  woman  out  on  a  stretcher  in  the  morning,  still  un- 
conscious.    Soon  afterward  Claude's  bail  was  paid  and  Joyce  took  him  home. 

Legends  about  the  Red  preacher  spread  fast.  A  Paris  friend  of  Claude's  came 
into  Fort  Smith  some  days  later.  He  went  to  see  the  judge  who  had  finally 
allowed  the  bond,  and  asked  where  Claude  was. 

"He's  gone,"  the  judge  said.  "We  think  he  ought  to  be  in  hell,  but  we  can't  do 
a  thing  to  him.  He's  got  friends  all  over  the  world.  I've  a  stack  of  telegrams 
that  high  on  my  desk  from  his  friends  all  trying  to  meddle  in  Fort  Smith  affairs. 
******* 

Mr.  Jonxsox.  That  is  an  article  about  Claude  Williams  whom  I 
knew  when  I  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  as  a  Communist. 

Mr.  Cl.\rdy.  That  is  tlie  Reverend  Claude  Williams^ 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes ;  that  is  right. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  As  long  as  we  are  on  this  subject,  can  you  give  us  a 
bit  of  information  from  your  own  persotial  knowledge  about  Rev. 
Claude  C.  Williams? 

33909— 53— pt.  8 5 


2260         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes.  Rev.  Claude  C.  Williams  was  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party  during  the  period  that  I  was  a  member.  He  organ- 
ized what  was  knoAvn  as  the  People's  Institute  of  Applied  Eeligion, 
an  organization  that  was  set  up  for  the  purpose  of  using  the  Scriptures 
as  a  means  of  inciting  social  rebellion;  that  is,  the  culling  from  the 
Scriptures  of  certain  passages  which  could  be  interpreted  to  justify 
rebellion  against  the  social  system. 

He  did  that  in  a  very  devilish  way  in  the  sense  that  he  tried  to 
show  that  the  Blessed  Savior  was  a  carpenter  and  a  worker,  and  he 
rebelled  against  the  conditions  during  His  day,  and  that  they  should 
follow  in  His  footsteps  and  rebel  against  social  conditions  in  our  day. 

In  other  words,  he  used  the  story  of  our  Blessed  Savior  as  a  means 
to  promote  atheistic  communism  and  revolution  in  the  South  and 
throughout  the  country. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  have  noticed  that  that  same  technique  is  being  em- 
ployed or  has  been  employed  by  a  number  of  others  who  have  had 
their  works  brought  together  by  a  gentleman  I  shall  leave  unnamed 
at  this  juncture  in  the  hearing. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  quite  correct. 

I  have  here  a  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker,  Friday,  July  10,  1953,  in 
which  there  is  one  of  the  most  sacrilegious  cartoons  of  our  Blessed 
Savior  I  have  ever  seen,  and  this  is  the  type  of  cartoon  that  Claude 
Williams  used  to  use  to  illustrate  his  lectures. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  seems  incredible  that  that  would  be  printed  as 
recently  as  4  days  ago,  this  present  time. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  in  connection  with  the  admission  that  many 
ministers  have  joined  with  them  in  the  defense  of  Communists  and 
the  signing  of  petitions  and  sponsoring  front  organizations  that  were 
set  up  by  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Am  I  not  correct  in  saying  that  this  is  a  copy  of  the 
cartoon  that  appeared  in  the  first  or  early  issue  of  the  Protestant 
Digest  or  in  connection  with  advertising  that  magazine  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  recall. 

Mr.  Clardy.  The  reason  I  ask  is  that  the  language  beneath  the 
picture — the  picture  may  not  be  identical,  but  the  language  beneath 
it  has  a  vague  resemblance  in  my  mind  to  something  I  have  read  about 
the  things  the  Protestant  used  in  advertising  itself  in  some  fashion 
or  another  in  the  early  days,  portraying  Christ  in  the  manner  that  you 
have  indicated. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2261 


BiiiU?   tp«,rlf«r.  New  York.  Friday,  July    10.   19.'>3  PaCe  5 


REWARD 

Tor     I  Nro«»>^/i'»»C'i«   iCtOf^c    To    »wf    APP«fH£NviON     or    — 


licsus  Christ 


WaHTCO    -  rftl^     ScOtTfONi,     CRV»A»rs<AL  Akakck^t - 

Vagrancy,  amo    CoNSPmrKt  to  Ovkp.throvw  thc 

t&TABLI^HCA        G0WCRN»^eNT 

DRCS&CS  POORtV.    SAtp  TO  ec  A  CARPENTER    BY  TRAPt  ,     ILL- 
NOURISHCO,    HAS    VISJONARV    tCCAS  ^ASSOCIATES  with  COMMON 
WORKING    PCOPU     TMC    UNi-KPcOVeD   AND   BUMS.     AutN  — 
0CLEIWE^   TO   6e   A  JEW         ALI^S  !  *  PRlNCe  OF  PfACE  ,   Son  ©f 
MAN'-'LlftMT  or  THE  WOftlB  '  &C     «C         PROfE^SIOWKL  AGITATOR 

Bed  beard,  mauks   ch  nf^nti  '^no  felt    thc  rssult  of 

INJURICS    INFVItTEO     6Y    At4    AN&f^Y    MOB    ttD   BV  (RESPECTABLE 
CITIZCNS    AND    tCSAC    AUT«C«LlT»tS  . 


2262  COMJVIUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YOKK    AREA 

Mr,  Johnson.  Yes.  AYell,  they  do  that  in  their  articles.  They  use 
religion  as  a  cover  for  the  promotion  of  antireligious  and  materialistic 
communism. 

Mr.  KuNZiG.  I  think  even  more  interesting,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the 
editorial,  Freedom  of  Religion,  on  page  5  of  the  Daily  Worker  of 
Friday,  July  10,  1953,  just  a  few  days  ago,  right  next  to  the  cartoon, 
which  argues  in  favor  of  freedom  of  religion.  This  is  indeed  an  odd 
argument  coming  from  the  mouth  of  the  Daily  Worker  and  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Communist  leaders  of  America.     The  article  states  that — 

It  will  be  a  bad  clay  for  America  and  for  America's  children  and  their  chil- 
dren's children  if  the  McCarthyite  attack  on  the  churches  and  the  freedom  of 
religious  conscience  is  permitted  to  proceed.  Fortunately,  thei'e  is  every  indica- 
tion that  the  ministers  will  fight  back. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  I  think  the  record  should  show  what  an  incredi- 
hle  thing  it  is  that  this  type  of  statement  comes  in  an  editorial  from 
the  Daily  Worker,  which  has  done  everything  possible  to  destroy  reli- 
gion throughout  the  Avorlcl;  when  the  Daily  Worker  is  in  support  of 
something,  methinks  we  should  question  it. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Well,  of  course,  there  is  no  doubt  about  the  fact  that 
one  of  the  principal  aims  of  the  Communist  Party  is  to  destroy  the 
church  and  all  faith  in  God  and  in  religion  as  such,  but  I  am  appalled 
to  think  that  a  newspaper  of  any  kind  would  perpetrate  such  sacrilege 
as  this  cartoon.  It  is  just  beyond  belief.  I  do  not  know  how  they 
can  think  or  hope  to  convert  people  to  their  thinking  when  they  have 
such  things  as  this.  I  note,  however,  that  this  committee  gets  honor- 
able mention,  as  usual. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  should  like  to  introduce  this  editorial  and  the  cartoon 
as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  35,  and  I  now  offer  it  into  evidence, 
Mr.  Chairman,  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  editorial.  Freedom  of  Religion,  and  accompanying  cartoon 
on  p.  5  of  the  Daily  Worker,  Friday,  July  10,  1953,  were  received  in 
evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  35.) 

Manning  JoHNso^f  Exhibit  No.  35 

(Daily  Worker,  July  10,  195.H,  p.  5) 

Freedom  of  Religiox 

A  Famous  Cartoon  of  that  great  American  artist.  Art  Young,  portrayed  a 
poster  offering  a  "'Ileward — for  information  leading  to  the  apprehension  of  JESUS 
CHRIST  .  .  .  Wanted— for  Sedition  .  .  .  Conspiring  to  Overthrow  the  Estab- 
lished Government  .  .  .  Dresses  poorly  .  .  .  has  visionary  iileas,  associates  with 
common  working  people,  the  unemployed  and  bums  .  .  ."  (See  cartoon  in  adjoin- 
ing column.) 

What  brought  this  cartoon  to  our  mind  is  the  new  McCarthyite  drive  against 
the  integrity  and  independence  of  the  church,  and  siiecifically  against  a  number 
(the  estimate  is  7,000)  of  Protestant  ministers,  by  the  House  Un-American 
Committee. 

Rep.  Donald  L.  Jackson  announced  Wednesday  that  every  preacher  "identified 
as  a  Communist"  by  one  of  the  miserable  stoolpigeons  parading  before  his 
infamous  group  will  he  "called  to  testify." 

To  what  depths  has  our  nation  descended  if  this  threat  can  be  carried  out! 

What  a  field  day  for  reaction,  for  fascism,  when  every  minister  is  persecuted 
who  in  response  to  his  own  conscience  spoke  out  for  the  ethical  principles  of 
Christianity  as  he  saw  them.  Here  will  come  the  minister  who  denounced  uni- 
versal military  training,  he  who  called  for  brotherhood  of  Negro  and  white,  he 
who  spoke  for  i)eace  and  ending  war  in  Korea,  for  peaceful  coexistence  l^etween 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2263 

the  Soviet  Union  and  our  own  country.  Here  in  the  white-hot  ghire  of  tlie  klieg 
lights,  in  the  witness  chair,  will  sit  the  preacher  who  urged  as  a  Christian  gesture 
clemency  for  the  Rosenbergs,  or  amnesty  for  the  Communist  leaders. 

Here  indeed  will  come  the  ministers — and  to  their  everlasting  credit,  their 
iiunit)er  is  legion — who  in  fact  did  nothing  more  than  reject  McCarthyism  as 
inconsistent  with  Aineric;in  traditions.  For  what  they  were  asserting  was  the 
self-evident  fact  that  Itelween  Christianity  and  fascism  there  can  he  no  common 
ground. 

And  it  is  this  undeniable  principle  which  lias  enraged  Joe  McCarthy  and  his 
rt'iiegade  aid,  J.  15.  Matthews;  which  has  angered  X'elde  and  tlie  un-Americans, 
.iust  as  20  years  ago  it  maddened  Adolph  Hitler  and  resulted  in  his  repres.sions 
against  the  church. 

The  principle  of  a  free  conscience,  of  the  right  to  worshij) — or  not  worship — 
as  one  sees  tit,  is  sacred  and  innnemorial.  It  is  not  only  inscribed  in  our  Bill 
of  Rights,  but  is  graven  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 

Ii  will  be  a  bad  day  for  America  and  for  America's  children,  and  their  chil- 
dren's children,  if  the  McCarthyite  attack  on  the  churches  and  the  freedom 
of  religious  conscience  is  permitted  to  proceed.  Fortunately,  there  is  every  indi- 
cation that  the  nuiusters  will  fight  back.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  their  congrega- 
tions will  give  them  the  fullest  support. 

Even  more  important,  we  hope  that  labor  an<l  the  trade-union  movement, 
recognizing  the  freedom  of  religion  as  basic  to  all  that  is  truly  democratic,  will 
come  forward  and  with  its  united  strength  strike  down  this  newest  threat  to  a 
hallowed  American  institution. 

Mr.  Doyle.  May  1  ask,  what  is  the  Reverend  Claude  AVilliams  doing 
now?     What  is  his  official  position,  if  any? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  am  not  familiar  with  his  present  activities. 

Mr.  Krxzui.  Yon  spoke  a  mintite  a^o  of  the  People's  Institute  of 
Applied  Religion,  as  headed  by  the  Reverend  Claude  Williams,  who 
was  also  former  head  of  Commonwealth  College  in  Mena,  Ark.  Did 
you  know  or  have  any  contact  at  any  time  w^ith  one  of  the  sponsors  of 
the  Peo]:)les  Institute  of  Applied  Religion  by  the  name  of  Max 
Yergan  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  did.  During  the  time  that  I  was  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party.  Max  Yergan  was  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  during  the  i)eriod  of  my  membership. 

We  used  to  hold  Communist  Party  fraction  meetings  in  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Committee  on  African  Affairs  on  40th  Street  in 
the  city  of  New  York.  These  were  fraction  meetings  of  the  top 
fraction  of  the  Communist  Party  operating  inside  of  the  American 
Negro  Labor  Congress. 

I  also  have  here  the  names  of  the  officers,  State  directors,  and 
sponsors  of  the  People's  Institute  of  Applied  Religion,  and  I  should 
like  to  present  them  at  this  time  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  CixARDY.  Not  as  a  list  of  Communists,  but  as  a  list  of  the  officials 
and  sponsors  of  the  People's  Institute  of  Ai)plied  Religion,  with  the 
understanding  that  those  that  have  been  definitely  identified  by  the 
witness  are  the  only  ones  of  which  we  can  speak  as  to  their  Communist 
connections. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  That  is  correct,  sir. 

I  am  looking  at  this  list  at  the  present  time,  and  I  have  marked 
it  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  36,"  and  with  your  permission,  sir, 
I  should  like  to  offer  this  into  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  exhibit 
No.  P>()  for  the  purpose  only  of  putting  in  the  record  the  names  of  the 
officers.  State  directors,  and  sponsors  of  the  Peoples  Institute  of  Ap- 
plied Religion. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  document  referred  to  was  received  in  evidence  as  Manning 
Johnson  exhibit  No.  36.) 


2264         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 


Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  36 


APR  10 1942 

■rklPAKi    tl     TMI    WAY    Of    IMt    ftOHIi     CAST    Uf.    CASt     UP    THI    HlftHWATi 
6AIMf»    out     THI     STONIS:    LIFT    Vt    A    $IANDA«0    fOU    TBI     PEOHI."    ISAIAH    ililO 

PEOPLE'S    INSTITUTE    of    APPLIED    RELIGION 


313      SOUTHIAST      FIRST      STREET 


EVANSVILLE 


INDIANA 


J»Mlt  lUTMII ADAMl 
tllAHOI  C.  ANOtlSON 
PftANk      C.     ■AHCtOFT 

Cfloiic     ictrtAttt 

WAllll     •        lltttMAM  — 

HIMtlITT*  eUCfMA$TH  — 
tiCHAlD  COW'OIT  — 
MAlt  A.  DAWII«  — 
MALCOLM  C.OOItl— 
JAMIS  OOMtlOWHI-- 
JOlirH  P.  ILI'CHlt  — 
HIRMAM  C.  MAMM— 
CLIZA  I  |TM  H  I  t  t  IH«— • 
yOMM      »A«l      JONII-^ 

C.  IICWAJIO  lUCM  — 
JOHN  MOWLAHO  l.A^M■0^— 
HOWACO  It       1*^ 

^KCMMC^H  LlStll-- 
CMAlLIS  tlfcMtlOO*"" 
OONALO  lOfHtO'^ 
40t*H  A.  M,,CALIUM  — 
C.  ».  M.«LINMAM-" 
Paul  «  .  MAC  »*^ 
HAIOLD      P.      MAIlIt-- 

$r  A  H  L   ^1       WATTHiWl'- 

mPIaNCIS  i.  M«CONHIll  — 
H.     lUtNITT     u*6iWDFI    " 

»JACK  «.  MtWICMAIL.  Ji  — ' 
CLTOI  i.  MlLLlt- 
JOJIPM      6         UOO>l 


L     I     I     T     O     N 


port 


,NIILL       POTIAT- 

•IITH*     C.     iltNOLPl- 

Wlt       SVDNlll       tNOW' 

•.WIIII4W     ■       iP0»»OtD- 

«IU'*M  W*ll*CI  lUlU****  - 
ALVA  W.  TArtOi' 
JOHN  f.  THOMPSON- 
CHANNINfi  H,  tOIIAS- 
WIILAID  I.  OPHAUS- 
««I|6CI1      VL«S*01- 

.MAttr         '    .         WAID- 

I.TND  WAiD' 

C»<*PLIt  C.      Wlllll' 

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CHAltlS  C     WIIJOM- 


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flllO        LIACIftS 
A  .      I    .      C    ^    M    P    I    I   I   i-* 

a  0  lilt    0.    (HUMPtir- 

iONAlD       L.       W|(T' 

•      I      o      •      •      ;      » 

LAwaiMCI       iAT' 

OCLaMOma 

WILLIAM     L.     •LACiSrONI" 

OAMICk       C.       WliLIAMt' 
H  ,       •         1  ■  O         W  ■         ( 

WIlllAH       DitftlV 

HAitr       Koect- 
LIONAHe     M.    sill* 


'CLAUDE    C.   WILLIAMS 

D  t  ■  ■  C  1  O  I 

_il^  WINIFRED  L.  CHAPPELL 

PIILO       IIPIItaHfAflVf 

wEDNA     JOYCE     KIN6 

OPPICI  tICttTAIt 

April  9.   19'»2 


Hr.  Max  Bedacht 
Intnrnatlonal  "orkers  Order 
__     60  Fifth  A»e,  Now  York 

'       Dear  llr«  Bedaehi- 


A*  yau  suggaatf   I  am  putting  Into  tirlting  b;  request  for  a  con- 
tribution froB  the  International  *orkera  Order,    tonard  the  t^OO 
that  the   forthconlne   '   Institute"  of  the    People'a   Institute  of 
Applied  religion  alll  cost> 

I  eneloae  a  program  (  which  you  ea«  In  another  form)  and  *lth  It 
a  little  ItC'S  IfO  of  our  diacuaslon  leaders  at  thle  Inatltute. 

I  eneloDO  also  a  general  communleution  from  Olaude  Vllllama,  Director 
of  the  People'a   Inetitute;   and  a   letter  from  one  of  our   rural  preuch- 
ert)   illustrating   how   the   program  gets   into  action  among   the  people 
toward  the  ends   that  we   uo  earnestly  aeek« 

The   Dixie     emagogues  use  the  Bible  among  the  religiously-.condltloned 
folk  of  the   "  Bible  Belt"    toward  unoocial  ends. 

The  People'a  Institute  Is  using  the  Bible--  legitimately—  to  lead 
the  people  tosard  Democracy* 

You  will  see  by  the   letterheud  that  most,   though  not  all,  of  our 
sponsors  are   church  Icudars"        It  is  the  firm  conviction  of  Claude 
tllllana   that  the      church  people,   sinio    the  8hrteti«n  ^hurch'haa  been 
the   chief  tinner  in  nronoting  unti-Semitism    should   bear  the    respon- 
eibility  of  aupportir.?;  finaiiciall)     our  work  »hich  is  directed 
against  atiti-  ^ecitism  und  raciso:* 

But  aa  a  mekber  of  the  r*0  und  one  «ho  knows  itjbroad  social  Interaet, 
1  am  taking  the   liberty  o/  uppeuling  to  you  for  help. 

1   oanthmiik  of  ns  tore  uaoful  place   to  invest  a  little  money  than 
in   thio   institute   fron  which —  as  from  each  of  our   former  oneo- 
»ill  £0   men  vho  »ill.  use   their  Bibles   to«ard  meeting  the  brei^d- 
ttr.d..meit  proble^  of   Ihe   people;   und   toward   leading   them  in 
the   effort  for   national   unity  ogsinat   Hitler   and  Hltlerism,   abroad 
and  here ' 


Since  re  lyq> 


t.  Chappell  ' 


*inifred  i..  ''happe 

1J6  E  17,   New  York,     N.Y. 
0r5-9a51. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2265 


;Mi'.  Clakdy.  I  think  it  has  vahie  in  demonstrating  that  these 
movements  have  drawn  into  them  some  good  people  along  with  those 
that  we  know  to  be  Communists. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  You  will  note  the  name  of  Dr.  Harry  Ward  is  on 
there. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Who  has  been  identified  as  a  Communist. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  There  are  the  names  of  Jack  McMichael,  who  has  been 
identified  as  a  Communist;  Winifred  Chappell,  and  others. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Also  Max  Yergan. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  like  to  mention  in  this  connection  that  the 
People's  Institute  of  Applied  Religion  was  one  of  the  most  important 
Communist-front  operations  operating  in  the  South,  because  in  order 
to  get  around  the  difficulties  that  stood  in  the  way  of  a  Communist 
organization  of  a  rebellion  in  the  South,  the}^  used  religion  as  a  cloak 
to  reach  the  masses  of  the  South  who  lived  by  the  Book  and  believed 
in  the  Book,  taking  as  they  did  scriptures  from  the  Bible  and  twist- 
ing them  around  in  order  to  incite  social  rebellion  in  the  South. 

Mr.  Doyle.  May  I  ask  this,  is  Rev.  Claude  Williams  a  Negro  or 
white? 

Mr.  Johnson.  White. 

Mr.  Doyle.  About  what  proportion  of  this  list  of  persons  that 
Mr.  Kunzig  identifies  here  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  36,  are 
Negro  or  white? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Doyle,  The  reason  I  ask  that  is  because  you  specified  they 
were  working  in  the  South. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  they  were  working  in  the  South,  using  the 
religion  to  stir  up 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  know  you  stated  that,  but  I  am  interested  to  know, 
because  they  were  working  in  the  South,  what  their  policy  was  to 
using  Negroes  or  whites. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Both  Negroes,  whites,  Mexicans,  all  nationalities  in 
the  South. 

Mr.  Doyle.  ^Vl^at  is  the  status  of  this  People's  Institute  of  Applied 
Religion  now?  Is  it  still  in  existence,  and  active?  If  not,  when 
did  it  stop  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  know  exactly  when  or  if  the  institute  was 
discontinued.  I  do  know  that  during  the  period  of  my  membership 
in  the  party 

Mr.  Doyle.  Have  they  been  active  since  you  stopped  being  active? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  am  not  in  a  position  to  state. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Did  you  know  of  it  being  active  after  you  stopped  being 
active  in  the  Communist  Party  ?  That  is  a  plain  question.  Do  you 
know  of  any  incident  where  it  functioned  after  you  stopped  being 
active  in  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  am  not  aware  of  any  of  its  activities  after  my 
leaving  the  party.    I  am  only  testifying  in  connection 

Mr.  DoTLE.  Do  you  know  of  any  activity  after  you  left  the  Com- 
munist Party  of  the  People's  Institute  of  Applied  Religion,  or  has  it 
been  dead  several  years?  That  is  what  I  am  asking,  as  far  as  you 
know. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Just  a  moment.     I  might  have  something  on  that. 


2266  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  think  it  is  important,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  have 
the  status  of  this. 

Mr.  C^^^RDY.  Yes;  if  the  witness  knows.  Of  course,  he  has  indi- 
cated that  his  knowledge  ended  as  of  the  time  he  ceased  being  a  mem- 
ber, but  if  he  does  liave  something,  I  would  like  to  have  it  in  the  record. 

Mr.  DbYLp..  I  just  kind  of  assumed  that  the  witness'  interest  in 
Conmiunist  activities  has  continued,  or  he  would  not  be  liere  today. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Clardy.  Witness,  rather  than  your  going  through  that  volumi- 
nous file  at  the  moment,  let  us  move  on  to  something  else  and  come 
back  to  that  later. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  before  we  leave  this  point  I  note  that 
the  name  Harry  Ward  has  appeared  in  so  many  of  these  various 
organizations  and  groups.  It  seems  as  if  there  is  almost  an  interlacing 
tieup  of  one  to  the  other,  not  in  any  one  particular  religious  sect  or 
denomination,  but  through  various  sects  and  denominations.  Have 
you  any  comment  to  make  on  this  situation  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  have. 

Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  for  many  years,  has  been  the  chief  architect  for 
Communist  infilti'ation  and  subversion  in  the  religious  field. 

Mr.  Clardy.  That,  you  think,  explains  why  we  find  his  name  turn- 
ing up  in  practicallj^  all  of  the  Communist-front  or  Communist 
organizations. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Absolutely  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  ]Mr.  Johnson,  when  we  were  discussing  the  magazine 
Protestant  Digest,  later  called  the  Protestant,  you  testified  that  it 
generally  followed  the  Comnumist  line  throughout  the  years.  How, 
do  you  know,  were  they  tipped  off  with  regard  to  this  Communist 
line?     How  would  they  know  what  to  write  about? 

I  ask  this  question  because  I  know  just  this  morning,  to  bring  the 
matter  down  to  date,  that  the  Daily  Worker  finally  commented  on 
the  fall  from  grace  of  Beria.  It  took  them  3  or  4  days  to  find  out 
what  the  line  was,  and  until  they  found  out,  they  did  not  dare  print 
anything,  so  where  did  the  magazine  such  as  the  Protestant  Digest  get 
their  line? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  line  comes  down  from  Moscow  to  the  Politburo 
of  the  National  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party  and  from  the 
Politburo  of  the  National  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party  it 
goes  doAvn  to  the  Communist  Party  fraction  in  the  many  front  organi- 
zations of  the  solar  system  of  organizations  of  the  Communist  Party 
and  the  Communist  fraction  inside  of  each  of  these  organizations 
carries  out  the  line.  That  is  how  the  line  comes  down  from  Moscow 
to  the  lowest  organization  of  the  Communist  Party. 

A  clear  indication  and  example  of  how  the  Communist  Party  policy 
in  the  religious  field  is  handed  down  and  reflected  in  the  Protestant 
Digest  and  in  all  of  the  other  activities  of  the  Comnumist  Party  in  the 
religious  field  may  be  clearly  illustrated  in  an  article  by  Raymond 
Guyot,  who  was  a  leader  of  the  Young  Communist  International  and 
a  member  of  the  Communist  International,  writing  in  the  Young 
Communist  Review  in  September  1939,  on  the  subject,  I  quote :  "The 
Communist  Discusses  Christianity." 

This  is  the  most  revealing  article  on  how  to  exploit  Christianty, 
brotherhood,  the  peace  sentiments,  etc.,  among  religious  people  to 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA         2267 

convince  them  of  the  need  of  accepting  the  policy  of  the  program  of 
the  world  Communist  movement. 

Mr,  Clardy.  Do  you  care  to  have  that  marked  as  an  exhibit  ? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Yes,  Mr,  Chairman,  I  have  it  marked  as  "Manning 
Jolinson  Exliibit  No,  37,"  and  I  should  like  now  to  offer  it  into 
evidence, 

Mr,  Clardy,  It  will  be  received. 

(Article,  A  Communist  Discusses  Christianity,  from  the  Young 
Communist  Review,  September  1939,  was  received  in  evidence  as 
Manning  Johnson  exhibit  No.  37.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  37 

(Young  Commuuist  Review,  September  1938,  pp.  8-10) 

A  Communist  Discusses  Christianity 

THE  ADDKESS  TO  THE  COMMISSION  ON  RELIGIOUS  AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  BASES  OF  PEACE 

AT  THE  SECOND  WORLD  YOUTH  CONGRESS 

(By  Raymond  Guyot) 

I  am  very  glad  to  find  here  a  number  of  prominent  members  of  Christian  or- 
ganizations who  tooli  part  in  the  Third  Commission  at  Geneva,  The  Third  Com- 
mission is  called  Commission  C  here,  but  its  work  is  the  same. 

Terrible  evils — above  all,  war — are  threatening  and  already  ravaging  mankind. 
In  face  of  these,  Young  Communists  throughout  the  world  have  shown  a  spirit  of 
understaudiiig  which  has  won  praise.  Neither  denying  nor  underestimating  that 
which  may  or  does  divide  us,  we  have  nevertheless  placed  in  the  foreground  that 
v.'hich  may  unite  us,  and  through  this  we  have  made  it  possible  to  carry  on  joint 
activity  to  save  manliind  from  the  shame  of  retrogression  and  destruction. 

The  experience  of  2  years  has  been  conclusive.  Life  has  given  an  affirmative 
answer  to  the  statement  that  "it  is  impossible  to  reduce  these  positions  to  a 
common  ideology.  But  that  does  not  prevent  youth  of  all  opinions  from  collabo- 
rating for  the  defense  of  peace,"  (Report  of  Geneva  Congress — IlIrd  Commis- 
sion, p.  18G.) 

The  religious  world,  and,  I  may  add,  the  leaders  of  the  Church  in  ever-growing 
numbers,  are  henceforth  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Communists  when  they 
offer  their  cooiieration  in  face  of  the  common  danger. 

Thus  our  sincerity,  our  loyally,  our  efforts  to  reach  an  understanding  authorize 
us  to  init  a  question  in  our  turn,  a  question  that  might  be  formulated  in  this  way: 

"Does  not  the  refusal  to  take  the  hand  stretched  out  by  the  Communists  mean 
in  reality  acquiescence  in  the  triumph  of  violence  and  war  in  the  world?" 

I  fell  (sic)  sure  that  the  doubts  and  confusion  are  going  to  disappear  once  and 
for  all,  and  that  cooperation  is  going  to  make  still  more  decisive  progi-ess.  And 
the  reply  that  we  shall  give  to  the  issues  raised  at  this  Congress  will  depend  a 
great  deal  on  this  point  of  view,  I  would  like  now  to  make  my  modest  contribu- 
tion to  this  noble  cause. 

We  think  that  the  highest  good,  demanding  the  ultimate  loyalty  of  all  human 
beings,  consists  in  the  happiness  of  mankind.  The  Comnnmists  affirm  that  the 
haiipiness  of  mankind  is  identified  with  the  collective  building  of  a  peaceful  life 
Avhich  will  allow  the  free  and  far-reaching  development  of  the  individual  per- 
sonality. Sncli  a  life  is  possible  only  in  a  society  where  there  is  no  exploitation 
of  man  by  man.  For  the  Communists,  the  happiness  of  mankind  is  a  conquest, 
demanding  sacrifices  that  mankind  is  forced  to  make  in  a  war  of  conquest.  Our 
heroism  is  of  a  \  ery  different  nature  from  the  so-called  heroism  of  the  warmakers. 

Man's  happiness  and  the  means  of  attaining  it  have  been  the  goal  to  which  all 
that  is  best  and  most  proiiressive  in  mankind  has  aspired. 

In  our  day,  too,  progressive  individuals  and  groups  are  striving  after  the 
happiness  of  mankind  and,  under  one  form  or  another,  identifying  this  ideal  with 
the  highest  good.  This  should  he  considered  as  a  very  important  position  shared 
hy  Communists  and  by  other  progressive  forces  in  the  world  today. 

The  aggressions  uideashed  by  those  who  may  be  called  the  instigators  of  war 
constitutes  the  gravest  attack  upon  the  welfare  of  mankind,  not  only  as  regards 
its  immediate  results,  but  also  as  regards  its  future. 

33909— 53— pt.  8 6 


2268         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AEEA 

The  World  War  of  1914-18  did  not  contribute  anything  to  the  happiness  of 
mankind.  On  the  contrary,  it  destroyed  10  million  human  lives,  ravaged  vphole 
countries  and  swallowed  up  immense  riches. 

With  regard  to  the  question  of  patriotism,  we  should  draw  a  distinction :  there 
is  a  so-called  patriotism,  one  of  the  (sic)  ideological  forms  of  fascism,  which, 
preaches  war  in  order  to  bring  other  countries  under  its  yoke.  We  call  this 
"false  patriotism"— chauvinism.  In  reality,  there  is  only  one  patriotism  which 
is  true  and  healthy  and  which,  established  on  the  rights  of  nations  to  inde- 
pendence, will  tolerate  no  attack  on  the  independence  of  its  people.  Chauvinism 
turns  its  back  on  the  happiness  of  mankind.  For  chauvinism  there  is  no  highest 
good  "common  to  all  human  beings."  The  chauvinism  of  our  day  places  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  moral  principle  of  human  happiness  certain  subhuman  principles: 
brute  force  as  "the  absolute  good,"  and  racial  theory  as  "the  only  truth." 

In  the  name  of  these  principles  chauvinism  "which  has  now  found  a  crude 
form  in  fascism"  is  trying  to  create  a  war  psychology  among  the  younger  gen- 
eration whom  it  influences  by  "educating  it"  to  scorn  all  that  is  not  "my  race" 
and  "my  war  strength." 

The  healthy  sentiment  of  patriotism  "which  has  nothing  in  common  with 
chauvinism"  may — under  certain  circumstances — condition  the  action  of  nations 
and  individuals.  Has  a  country  threatened  by  or  subjected  to  aggression  the 
richt  to  mobilize  the  resistance  of  the  people  on  the  basis  of  patriotic  feeling? 
Clearly  it  has  the  right.  And  in  using  this  right  it  is  not  betraying  its  loyalty 
to  the"  highest  good,  but  on  the  contrary  affirming  this  loyalty.  In  defending 
their  national  independence,  the  Ethiopians,  the  Spanish  and  the  Chinese,  filled 
with  love  of  their  country,  are  working  for  the  happiness  of  mankind.  Indeed, 
in  these  cases  the  happiness  of  mankind  is  threatened  with  annihilation  for  the 
Ethiopians,  the  Spanish  and  the  Chinese— that  is  to  say,  for  a  considerable  part 
of  mankind.  While  those  who  are  seeking  to  annihilate  it  are  those  very  persons 
who  believe  that  force  in  its  most  brutish  form  and  pride  of  race  in  its  most 
repulsive  aspect,  constitute  the  highest  good. 

In  summary : 

(a)  A  highest  good — the  happiness  of  mankind — unites  all  progressive 
forces,  whatever  their  religion. 

(b)  Chauvinism  cannot  govern  the  action  of  individuals  without  destroy- 
ing loyalty  to  the  highest  good,  which  consists  in  the  happiness  of  mankind. 

(c)'The  healthy  sentiment  of  patriotism,  when  a  nation  defends  itself 
from  aggression,  is  in  accord  with  loyalty  to  the  highest  good. 

Solidarity,  devotion  to  the  common  welfare  of  humanity,  is  interpreted  by  us  as 
the  old  rule  of  human  solidarity— all  for  one  and  one  for  all. 

The  youth  cannot  remain  indifferent  to  the  fact  that  in  consequence  of  the 
war  policy  of  Germany,  Italy  and  Japan,  hundreds  and  thousands  of  people  are 
Shedding  their  blood  in  Spain  and  China,  and  among  them  large  numbers  of 
young  men  and  women.  Youth  must  know  for  whose  benefit  the  war  is  being 
waged.  Is  this  war  being  waged  for  the  benefit  of  progress  and  culture,  in  the 
name  of  the  emancipation  of  the  human  personality,  in  the  name  of  a  new  life 
of  happiness  for  all  human  society? 

No,  this  war  is  being  waged  in  the  name  of  an  imperialist  policy.  War  is 
taking  place  because  r^ascist  Germany,  Italy,  and  Japan  are  seeking  to  conquer 
new  colonies  and  to  enslave  more  free  nations.  The  Catholic  youth  will  realize 
that  this  is  true  when  considering  the  occupation  of  Austria,  to  which  fascism 
has  brought  nothing  but  servitude  and  oppression.  They  will  realize  it  in  con- 
sidering the  words  of  the  Fascist  leaders  themselves. 

What  have  the  wars  in  Spain,  Abyssinia,  and  China  brought?  The  wars  have 
Irought  death  to  peoples  and  the  massacre  of  defenseless  women  and  children. 

This  war  has  brought  outrage  to  the  human  personality. 

War  destroys  culture  and  all  the  progressive  achievements  of  mankind. 

In  spurning  all  notions  of  freedom  of  thought  and  faith,  of  the  sacred  tradi- 
tions of  mankind,  the  Fascist  aggressors  are  destroying  everything  that  human 
culture  and  progress  have  built  up.  They  do  not  even  hesitate  to  make  use  of 
churches  for  their  ends.  . 

The  war  carried  on  by  the  Fascist  aggressors  brings  extermination  ot  the 

highest  good,  of  the  free  personality. 

The  peoples  of  Spain  and  China  are  fighting  not  only  for  their  independence 
but  for  world  peace,  and  the  need  for  the  international  solidarity  of  all  peace- 
loving  humanity  becomes  daily  more  evident. 

The  principle  of  solidarity  must  therefore  be  applied  in  the  interests  of 
peace  and  justice. 


COMJVIUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2269 

Solidarity  cannot  be  abstract.  It  must  be  concretized  in  action.  Today  the 
active  solidarity  of  peace-loving  youth  towards  the  victims  of  the  war  must  have 
two  aims : 

(1)  Bring  pressure  to  bear  on  the  governments  in  order  to  bring  to  an  end 
the  injustice  which  deprives  Republican  Spain  (victim  of  the  Italo-German 
oppression)  of  the  possibility  of  procuring  means  for  her  defense. 

(2)  Humanitarian  aul  for  the  victims  whose  lot  has  aroused  the  deepest  emo- 
tion throughout  the  civilized  world  :  the  women  and  children.  (Sending  of  milk, 
medical  supplies,  warm  clothing,  shoes,  etc.) 

What  we  Communists  call  solidarity  coiTesponds  more  or  less  with  what 
Christianity  calls  charity.  We  do  not  wish  to  enter  upon  a  critical  discussion 
with  the  Christians  on  the  different  content  of  the  two  principles,  but  on  the 
contrary  to  find  out  the  basis  common  to  both.  Christian  charity,  for  instance, 
goes  out  to  tlie  weak,  to  the  victims  of  injustice,  to  the  persecuted.  This  is  suffi- 
cient to  draw  Christian  charity  towards  the  Spanish  people,  the  people  of  China 
and  Abyssinia. 

THE  BASIS   OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 

The  report  of  the  Ilird  Commission  of  the  Geneva  Congress  affirmed  that 
"moral  standards  must  regulate  the  relations  between  nations"  (Report  of  the 
Congress,  p.  187). 

We  agree  with  the  Christian  youth  that  moral  standards  must  regulate  the 
relations  between  individuals  and  between  peoples.  In  the  moral  doctrine  of 
Christianity  we  find  a  whole  number  of  principles  that  we  Communists  not  only 
accept  but  are  constantly  endeavoring  to  carry  out.  The  heroes  of  our  move- 
ment who  are  making  enormous  sacrifices  for  their  opinions,  who  are  stoically 
supporting  the  most  terrible  persecutions  and  defending  in  face  of  the  ferocious 
tribunals  of  fascism,  in  face  of  torture  and  death,  their  convictions,  are  the 
living  symbol  of  communism.  Since  the  persecutions  of  the  Christians  of  old, 
no  movement  has  suffered  such  terrible  persecution  nor  borne  them  with  such 
stoicism  as  the  revolutionary  working-class  movement.  Evei'yone  must  acknowl- 
edge this  moral  firmness  and  endurance,  this  absolute  self-abnegation,  this 
moral  greatness  in  the  martyrs  of  our  movement. 

Christianity  preaches  the  freedom  and  diynity  of  the  human  'personality. 

We  Communists  unreservedly  accept  this  principle  and  consider  as  one  of  our 
highest  tasks  to  defend  the  liberty  and  dignity  of  the  human  personality  against 
all  oppression,  servitude,  or  outrage. 

Christianity  preaches  equality  of  all  men  in  God's  sight. 

We  Communists  are  fighting  for  the  equal  rights  of  all  men  and  all  peoples, 
for  their  right  to  freedom  of  thought  and  faith,  for  a  social  regime  which  will 
guarantee  equal  possibilities  of  development  for  everyone,  regardless  of  their 
origin,  sex,  or  nationality. 

Christianity  preachs  [sic]  love  of  one's  neighbor. 

We  Communists  believe  in  love  of  our  fellowmen  and  are  fighting  for  it,  for 
such  a  love  tends  to  ensure  the  maximum  happiness  for  the  maximum  number 
of  persons.  We  mean  by  the  term  happiness  not  only  material  welfare  but  also 
the  joy  of  labor,  a  far-reaching  education,  the  development  of  every  capacity, 
cultivation  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  the  pursuit  of  noble  human  aims,  the  senti- 
ment of  collectivity,  and  the  knowledge  of  filling  the  right  post  and  of  contributing 
to  the  common  good.  We  Communists  encourage  that  solidarity  which  lifts  man 
out  of  his  own  "self"  and  binds  him  to  give  effective  help  to  his  brothers  in 
distress. 

Christianity  demands  that  all  should  aspire  to  moral  perfection. 

We  Communists  are  fighting  for  the  perfection  of  the  human  race,  against  the 
oppression  and  humiliation  of  the  human  personality  under  capitalism,  against 
the  stupefying,  degenerating  effects  of  poverty  and  servitude,  of  race  hatred  and 
persecution  between  peoples,  of  the  deep-rooted  immorality  of  ruling  society. 
We  strive  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  harmonious  and  far-reaching  development 
of  the  human  race,  of  a  world  in  which  man's  social  qualities  will  vanquish  his 
brutish  instincts. 

And  so  we  reply  affirmatively  to  the  question :  "Is  it  possible  to  establish  a 
common  moral  basis  which  will  offer  a  solid  foundation  for  international  law?" 
AVe  find  that  the  moral  principles  of  our  movement  and  the  numerous  moral 
demands  of  Christianity  have  something  in  common  which  can  offer  a  solid  foun- 
dation of  international  law.  In  face  of  fascist  barbarism  and  the  imminent 
danger  of  war  it  is  necessary,  in  our  opinion,  to  develop  everything  that  is 
common  to  us  and  to  put  aside  all  that  divides  us. 


2270         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES   IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Protestant  was  pub- 
lished 60  days  after  that  line  was  handed  down, 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mean  tliat  in  this  article  in  exhibit  37  we  have 
a  prescription  for  the  magazine,  the  Protestant  Digest? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct,  that  is  what  I  mean. 

Mr.  Clardy.  And  would  you  say  further  that  when  the  Protestant 
Digest  commenced  publication  that  it  thereafter  adhered  to  the  gen- 
eral lines  outlined  in  this  article? 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  did.  It  reflected  the  line  of  that  article  in  all 
of  the  subsequent — in  its  first  and  all  of  the  subsequent  editions. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Then  would  you  say  that  the  institution  of  publica- 
tion of  the  magazine  Protestant  Digest  was  a  concrete  example  of  the 
way  in  which  the  party  line  is  handed  down  from  Moscow  and  finally 
put  into  execution  down  in  the  lower  ranks? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Of  course,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  to  be  understood 
that  tliere  were  deviations  from  this  policy,  but  these  were  only  inci- 
<lental.  They  did  not  in  the  least  destroy  the  most  important  aspects 
of  the  line  which  the  party  wanted  to  carry  out  in  the  religious  field. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  you  are  saying,  as  I  understand  it,  is  that  from 
time  to  time  they  may  have  some  little  variation,  some  little  contradic- 
tion for  the  purpose  of  lulling  suspicions  to  sleep,  but  generally  they 
followed  the  party  line  as  handed  down  from  above. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Now,  I  would  like  to  show  you  the  Daily  Worker  of  January  15, 
1953,  in  which  there  is  an  article,  the  subject  matter  of  which  is,  "161 
Protestant  Church  Leaders  Ask  Truman  To  Grant  Amnesty  to  the 
Communist  Eleven." 

Mind  you,  these  were  the  11  Communists  that  were  convicted  for 
violation  of  the  Smith  Act,  and  they  submitted  the  names  of  161 
Protestant  Church  leaders  to  President  Truman  with  the  statement 
that  if  President  Truman  did  not  grant  them  amnesty,  that  they 
would  go  to  President  Eisenhower  and  demand  of  him  amnesty  for 
the  11  Communists. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  think  that  should  be  marked,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  It  is  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  38,"  and 
I  offer  it  into  evidence  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  article  from  the  Daily  Worker,  January  15,  1953,  was  received 
in  evidence  as  Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  38.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  38 
(Daily  Worker,  January  15,  1953,  p.  8) 
IGl  Protestant  Church  Leaders  Ask  Truman  to  Amnesty  Communist  "11" 

One  hundred  and  sixty-one  church  leaders  representing  15  major  Protestant 
denominations  laid  before  President  Truman  at  Christmas  time  their  appeal 
for  amnesty  for  11  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party  convicted  under  the  Smith 
Act,  it  was  made  known  this  week. 

Release  of  tlie  letter  to  Truman  with  its  signers  was  made  by  the  Rev.  Eld- 
ward  D.  McGowan,  minister  of  Epworth  Methodist  Church,  Bronx,  N.  Y.,  one 
of  tlie  10  cler^'yuien  who  initiated  the  appeal.  Rev.  McGowan  stated  that,  if 
yffiiiiiation  action  is  not  taken  l)y  President  Truman,  a  similar  appeal  will  be 
I)iesente(l  to  Gen.  Eisenliower  when  he  becomes  President. 

Seven  Bishops  of  the  I'lotestant  Episcopal  Church  are  in  the  list  of  signers, 
including  one  of  the  letter's  initiators,  the  Right  Rev.  Normand  B.  Nash  of 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2271 

Massachusetts,  as  well  as  Bishop  Arthur  W.  Womack  of  the  Colored  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church  and  Bishop  G.  W.  Taylor  of  the  Reformed  Zion  Union  Apos- 
tolic Church. 

Among  the  signers  are  12  clerics  who  are  professors  in  theological  schools 
or  universities,  and  an  eciual  nnnii)er  of  national  officers,  state  and  district 
superintendents  in  several  denominations  together  with  the  executives  of  local 
church  federations.  The  majority  on  the  list  are  parish  ministers  of  15  de- 
nominations in  33  states. 

A    BASIC    RIGHT 

The  church  leaders  declared  in  their  appeal  that  conscientious  advocacy  is  a 
basic  democratic  right  and  the  glory  of  a  free  society.    The  letter  contends : 

"Many  Americans  feel  that  imprisonment  for  conscientious  advocacy  is  not 
only  incompatible  with  our  whole  philosophy  of  government  but  is  an  indica- 
tion to  countless  observers  abroad  of  lack  of  confidence  in  our  American  institu- 
tions." 

Citing  a  long  tradition  of  Presidential  amnesty  for  political  prisoners,  the 
church  leaders  appealed  to  the  President  "in  the  spirit  of  Christmas  and  in 
harmony  with  justice"  to  exercise  his  executive  power  in  granting  amnesty  to 
the  Communist  Party  leaders  in  jail,  that  they  may  return  to  their  wives  and 
children.  By  the  exercise  of  amnesty  "we  shall  be  stronger  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,"  the  appeal  concluded. 

SIGNERS 

Among  the  prominent  signers  are : 

The  Right  Rev.  Reginald  Mallett,  Bishop  of  Northern  Indiana  (Protestant 
Episcopal)  ;  the  Rev.  Albert  W.  Palmer,  former  Moderator  of  the  Congrega- 
tional Christian  Clnirches ;  Dr.  Wilbur  E.  Saunders,  i)resident  of  Colgate-Roch- 
ester Divinity  School ;  the  Rev.  Forrest  C.  Weir,  executive  director  of  the  Church 
Federation  of  Los  Angeles;  the  Rev.  Abbott  Book,  executive  director  of  the  Nortli- 
ern  California-Nevada  Council  of  Churclies ;  the  Rev.  C.  C.  Adams,  secretary  o{ 
the  Foreign  Mission  Board  of  the  National  Baptist  Convention,  Inc. 

Also :  The  Rev.  Albert  Buckner  Coe,  Superintendent  of  Massachusetts  Con- 
ference of  Congregational-Christian  Churches;  the  Rev.  Lewis  H.  Davis,  district 
superintendent  of  the  New  York  East  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Church  ;  the 
Rev.  Prof.  Nels  F.  S.  Ferre  of  Vanderbilt  University,  Nashville;  the  Rev.  Prof. 
Kolland  E.  Wolfe  of  Western  Reserve  University,  Cleveland  ;  Dean  J.  H.  Satter- 
white  of  Hood  Theological  Seminary  (African  Methodist  Episcopal  Zion), 
Salisbury,  N.  C. ;  the  Rev.  Prof.  John  Oliver  Nelson  of  Yale  University  Divinity 
School. 

Also  :  The  Rev.  John  Haynes  Holmes,  Minister-emeritus,  the  Community  Church 
of  New  York ;  the  Rev.  Guy  Emery  Shipler,  Editor  of  The  Churchman,  and  the 
Rev.  William  B.  Spofford,  Editor  of  The  Witness ;  the  Rev.  Harold  A.  Bosley, 
First  Methodist  Church,  Evanston,  111.;  the  Rev.  J.  Raymond  Cope,  First  Uni- 
tarian Church,  Berkeley,  Calif.;  the  Rev.  John  Howard  Melish,  Church  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  Brooklyn  ;  Dr.  Henry  Neumann,  Ethical  Culture  Society,  Brooklyn. 

Also:  The  Rev.  Calvin  C.  Ellis,  Louisville,  and  the  Rev.  James  A.  Jones, 
Durham,  N.  C,  both  ministers  of  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Zion  Church; 
the  Rev.  William  B.  Clemmer,  Board  of  Publications,  Disciples  of  Christ,  St. 
Louis;  the  Very  Rev.  Paul  Roberts,  Dean  of  St.  John's  Cathedral  (Protestant 
Episcopal),  Denver;  the  Very  Rev.  Louis  M.  Hirshon,  Dean  of  Christ  Church 
Cathedral  (Protestant  Episcopal),  Hartford,  Conn. 

INITIATOBS 

In  addition  to  Rev.  McGowan  and  Bishop  Nash,  the  initiators  were: 
The  Rev.  Raymond  Calkins,  nationally  prominent  Congregational  minister; 
the  Rev.  Prof.  Massey  H.  Shepherd,  Jr.,  of  the  Episcoiial  Theological  School, 
Cambridge,  the  Rev.  John  Paul  Jones  of  the  Union  Church  of  Bay  Ridge  (Presby- 
terian), Brooklyn;  the  Rev.  Dana  McLean  Greeley,  Arlington  St.  Unitarian 
Church,  Boston;  the  Rev.  Charles  A.  Hill,  Hartford  Ave.  Baptist  Church. 
Detroit. 

Also:  The  Rev.  Kenneth  de  P.  Hughes  and  the  Rev.  George  L.  Paine,  Prot- 
estant Episcopal  ministers  of  Cambridge  and  Boston  and  the  Rev.  Shelton  Hale 
Bishop  of  St.  Philip's  Church,  New  York. 


2272  COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA 

Mr.  Clardt.  I  note  in  passing,  Witness,  that  this  documents  what  it 
says  by  actually  listing  the  names  of  the  161.  My  query  is  this :  Do 
you  recognize  among  those  who  have  signed  members  of  your  race  as 
well  as  my  own  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  have  a  further  question.  Since  the  publication  of 
that  article  in  January  of  this  year  have  you  anywhere  run  across  any 
statements  made  by  any  of  these  gentlemen  disavowing  the  facts  as 
published  in  the  Worker? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No;  I  have  not.  I  have  heard  of  them  attacking 
everyone  else,  but  I  have  never  heard  them  attack  the  Daily  Worker 
or  the  Communist  Party  about  putting  their  names  in  its  gutter  sheet. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  you  do  not  mean  you  have  heard  about  all  of 
them  doing  that.     You  have  heard  of  some  of  them. 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  I  mean  I  have  heard  some  of  them  make  state- 
ments, some  clergymen  make  statements  against  the  committees  that 
are  investigating  communism  and  so  forth  and  so  on,  but  I  never  have 
heard  any  of  them  come  out  and  speak  in  favor  of  this  investigation  or 
to  speak  against  the  Communist  gutter  sheet  for  publishing  their 
names. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  have  looked  it  over,  Witness,  and  I  recognize  a  num- 
ber of  names  of  persons  who  certainly  fall  in  the  category  you  are 
talking  about,  because,  having  made  some  independent  investigation 
myself — for  example,  I  see  the  name  here  of  Rev.  Guy  Emery  Shipler 
as  an  outstanding  example  of  what  I  mean. 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  would  like  to  call  your  attention  to  an  article  in  the 
Daily  Worker,  Tuesday,  May  12, 1953 ;  the  subject  of  the  article  or  the 
news  item  being,  "Urges  Churches  Help  Defend  Negro  Leaders." 

Now,  this  article  deals  with  an  organization  that  the  Communist 
Party  has  set  up  to  defend  Negro  Communist  leaders.  Now,  the  chair- 
man of  that  committee  is  Reverend  McGowan.  He  has  called  upon 
the  national  Fraternal  Council  of  Churches  to  help  in  this  fight.  This 
committee  concerns  itself  with  defense  of  persons  like  Henry  Winston, 
Ben  Davis,  Paul  Robeson,  and  all  other  Communist  Party  leaders  and 
Communist  Party  fellow  travelers  who  find  themselves  in  difficulty  as 
a  result  of  their  work  against  our  Government  in  the  interest  of  an 
alien  power,  namely,  Russia. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  do  they  raise  their  money  to  finance  that  work? 

Mr.  Johnson.  They  raise  their  money  through  contributions,  col- 
lections, and,  of  course,  other  sources. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Do  they  have  a  staff  of  lawyers  under  retainer,  do  you 
know  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  party  has  always  had  staff  lawyers  who  have  been 
available  for  years.  A  number  of  them  have  been  members  of  the 
Communist  Party,  fellow  travelers,  or  under  Communist  Party  disci- 
pline. These  lawyers  the  party  has  always  been  able  to  draw  on  to 
give  the  legal  representation  necessary  for  all  of  these  fronts. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Are  they  paid,  do  you  think,  generally  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  They  are  paid  by  the  front  organizations  that  they 
serve. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  you  mentioned  yesterday  that  2,300 
clergymen  had  signed  a  petition,  at  least  as  so  listed  in  the  Daily 
Worker,  to  save  the  Rosenbergs,  and  that  this  petition  was  presented 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK    AREA         2273 

to  President  Eisenhower.  Does  it  lie  within  your  knowledge  whether 
any  such  protest  was  made  at  an  earlier  period  of  time  to  Mr.  Truman 
when  he  was  President  of  the  United  States? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes.  According  to  the  January  14,  1953,  edition 
of  the  Daily  Worker,  there  is  a  feature  story  declaring,  and  I  quote, 
"1,500  Protestant  pastors  ask  Truman  to  save  Rosenbergs." 

Mr.  Clakdy.  The  article  names  some  of  them,  does  it  not? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  it  does.  It  gives  a  list  of  the  ministers  who 
signed  the  petition. 

Mr.  Clardy.  If  the  Daily  Worker  is  to  be  believed  at  all  then,  they 
put  in  more  than  lialf  as  many  on  the  petition  they  presented  to 
President  Eisenhower. 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  I  have  this  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker,  Mr.  Chairman, 
of  January  14,  1953,  just  a  few  days  before  Mr.  Truman  left  the 
White  House.  It  is  marked  "Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  39,"  and 
I  offer  it  into  evidence. 

Mr.  Clardy.  It  will  be  received. 

(The  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker,  January  14,  1953,  was  received  in 
evidence  as  Manning  Jolinson  Exhibit  No.  39.) 

Manning  Johnson  Exhibit  No.  39 
(Daily  Worker,  New  York,  Jan.  14,  1953,  pp.  1  and  6) 

1,500  Protestant  Pastors  Ask  Truman  To  Save  Rosenbergs 

Fifteen  hundred  of  America's  leading  Protestant  clergymen  yesterday  asked 
President  Truman  to  save  the  lives  of  the  Rosenbergs,  Ethel  and  Julius.  Their 
plea  came  soon  after  Dr.  Albert  Einstein,  one  of  the  world's  leading  atomic 
scientists  who  played  a  leading  part  in  creating  the  A-bomb,  joined  Di*.  Harold 
E.  Urey,  atomic  Nobel  Prize  winner,  in  urging  clemency.  The  date  for  execution 
of  the  two  East  Side,  New  York,  parents  had  been  set  for  Jan.  14.  A  plea  to  the 
President  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Department  of  Justice.  Truman  may  act 
at  any  moment  if  he  desii'es,  up  to  Jan.  20.  If  he  denies  the  clemency  plea,  the 
execution  will  take  place  five  days  later,  or  may  be  delayed  possibly  pending  a 
final  plea  to  the  Supreme  Court  for  a  stay. 

The  letter  of  the  1,500  clergymen  added  their  names  to  hundreds  of  others, 
including  Rabbis  and  priests,  who  have  similarly  asked  clemency.  The  latest 
plea  was  released  by  Dr.  Jesse  W.  Stitt,  pastor  of  the  Village  Presbyterian 
Church  on  W.  13th  Street,  New  York  City. 

The  letter.  Dr.  Stitt  declared,  urges  President  Truman,  "in  the  spirit  of  love 
which  casts  out  fear,"  to  mitigate  a  punishment  of  "such  terrible  finality."  He 
added  that  the  group  is  not  "partisan." 

"Our  plea,"  the  letter  says,  "does  not  hang  on  the  decision  of  the  Rosenbergs' 
guilt  or  innocence  or  the  degree  of  their  wrongdoing." 

Cosponsors  of  the  letter,  with  Dr.  Stitt,  are  the  Rev.  Dr.  James  Luther  Adams, 
Meadeville  Theological  Seminary ;  Roland  H.  Baintion  of  Yale  Divinity  School ; 
the  Rt.  Rev.  Charles  K.  Gilbert,  retired  Protestant  Episcopal  bishop  of  New  York ; 
Rev.  Dr.  Robert  M.  Hopkins,  Golden  Rule  Foundation ;  Bernard  Loomer,  dean  of 
Chicago  University  Divinity  School;  Rev.  Dr.  O.  Clay  Maxwell,  Mount  Olivet 
Baptist  Church,  New  York. 

Others  are  Robert  H.  Nichols,  professor  emeritus  of  Union  Theological  Semi- 
nary ;  Prof.  Paul  Scherer ;  Rev.  Dr.  Albert  J.  Penner,  Broadway  Tabernacle,  New 
York ;  Rev.  James  H.  Robinson,  Church  of  the  Master,  New  York,  and  the  Rev. 
Dr.  T.  k.  Thompson,  National  Council  of  Churches. 

In  his  letter.  Dr.  Einstein  associated  himself  with  another  leading  nuclear 
scientist.  Dr.  Harold  C.  Urey,  who  had  asked  clemency  after  flatly  stating  that 
the  testimony  of  the  Rosenbergs  was  "more  believable"  than  that  of  the  one 
government  witness  against  them,  David  Greenglass.  The  world-famous  atomic 
scientist  wrote : 

"Dear  Mr.  President  :  My  conscience  compels  me  to  urge  you  to  commute  the 
death  sentence  of  Julius  and  Ethel  Rosenberg. 


2274         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

"This  appeal  to  you  is  prompted  by  tlie  same  reasons  wliich  wei*e  set  forth 
so  convincingly  by  my  distinguished  colleague,  Harold  0.  Urey,  in  his  letter  of 
January  5,  1953,  to  the  New  York  Times. 
"Respectfully  yours, 

"Albert  Einstein." 

Requests  for  Presidential  clemency  are  pouring  in  from  all  parts  of  the  world 
as  world  opinion  notes  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Rosenbergs  ever  stole 
any  "atomic  secret,"  that  they  ever  met  any  Russians,  or  that  they  were  guilty  of 
anything  except  having  anti-Faseist  opinions.  They  face  death  solely  on  the 
word  of  one  man,  millions  are  saying  everywhere.  It  is  also  nnred  that  this 
Jewish  couple  are  the  first  ever  to  be  sentenced  to  death  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States  during  peacetime  in  a  civil  court  for  .such  an  alleged  crime. 

William  L.  Patterson,  chairman  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  urged  full  sup- 
port for  the  activities  of  the  National  Committee  to  Secure  Justice  for  the 
Rosenbergs.  The  committee  has  been  seeking  the  broadest  support  for  clemency 
for  the  Rosenbergs. 

"Maintain  the  vigil  in  Washington  organized  by  the  committee,"  Patterson 
said.  "Support  delegations  of  trade  unionists,  lawyers,  doctors,  ministers  to 
every  Congressman.  Man  picket  lines  at  home.  These  marching  feet  are  heard 
around  the  world." 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  note  something  else  in  there,  Mr.  Counsel,  an  edi- 
torial, as  a  matter  of  fact,  entitled  "Einstein,  the  Rosenbergs,  and 
U.  S.  Labor's  Duty."  I  note  it  with  some  interest  because  of  what  the 
noted  scientist  said  recently, 

Mr.  KuNZTG.  It  is  interesting  to  note  how  many  people  will  lend 
their  names  in  such  a  situation,  so  that  the  Daily  Worker  could  even 
think  of  coupling  United  States  labor  in  together  with  Einstein  and 
the  Rosenbergs. 

Mr.  Doyle.  May  I  ask  this  question  of  the  witness  ?  Go  back  to  this 
Reverend  McGowan.    Did  you  ever  meet  him  personally? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  no,  I  have  never  met  him  personally. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Then  you  do  not  know  if  he  is  a  Negro  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No  ;  I  do  not  know  his  nationality.  I  assume  he  is 
Irish.    His  name  is. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Would  it  not  be  a  digression  from  established  policy  to 
have  a  man  that  was  not  known  as  a  Communist  at  the  head  of  that 
sort  of  a  movement  ?  You  have  testified  that  he  was  chairman  of  the 
National  Committee  To  Defend  Negro  Leadership  and  so  forth. 

Mr.  Johnson.  It  has  always  been  a  policy  to  have  and  to  use  per- 
sons who  are  not  members  of  the  Communist  Party  to  head  such 
organizations.  That  gives  the  organization  a  cloak  of  respectability 
so  that  the  leader  can  say  to  John  Doe  and  to  Mary  Doe,  "I  am  not  a 
Communist,  but  I  subscribe  to  this  program.  I  subscribe  to  this 
policy,"  and  in  that  way  it  gives  weight  and  respectability  to  it. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Clardy.  Witness,  you  have  called  our  attention  to  the  fact 
that  in  the  January-February-March  issue  of  1950  of  the  Protestant 
the  Reverend  S.  Lautenschlager  is  listed  as  one  of  the  editorial  ad- 
visers, and  I  note  that  you  have  a  Communist-front  magazine  there 
before  you  for  October  1935,  the  magazine  being  China  Today. 

Now,  here  is  the  question  I  would  like  to  put  to  you  :  I  note  that  the 
Reverend  Lautenschlager  is  quoted  in  that  1935  article  along  the  line 
of  saying  that  it  is  necessary  that  capitalism  be  done  away  with  in 
order  that  the  future  peace  of  the  world  may  be  insured. 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2275 

Do  you  have  any  knowledge  beyond  that  shown  in  this  magazine  as 
to  any  possible  Communist  connections  or  associations  or  affiliations 
or  what  have  you  of  the  Reverend  Lautcnschlager? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  do  not  know  whether  or  not  he  is  a  member  of  the 
Connnunist  Party,  but  from  what  he  says,  it  is  the  same  thing  the 
Communists  say.     He  calls  for  the  destruction  of  the  capitalist  system. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  note  that,  and  I  notice  he  talks  about 

Mr.  Johnson.  He  also  talks  of  the  capitalist  system  as  being  re- 
sponsible for  wars  and  the  situation  of  militarization  in  China,  and  so 
forth. 

Mr.  Doyle.  The  Socialists  said  that  and  still  say  it,  do  they  not? 
Is  that  not  a  fact?  The  Socialists  used  to  say  that,  at  least.  Do  they 
not  still  say  it? 

Mr.  Clakdy.  a  great  many  of  them  undoubtedly  do. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Is  that  not  a  tenet  of  the  Socialist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Clardy.  Well,  not  quite  that  way,  as  I  understand  it. 

Let  me  ask  you  another  question :  Was  it  possible  for  anyone  to  get 
into  this  paper  China  Today  unless  he  had  some  sympathetic  under- 
standing of  the  causes  for  which  that  paper  was  fighting  ? 

Mr.  Doyle.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Johnson.  The  China  Today  is  a  magazine  that  was  brought  into 
existence  by  the  decision  of  the  Communist  International  and  the 
political  bureau  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States.  The 
policy  as  put  forth  in  the  articles  in  China  Today  were  in  accord  with — 
that  is,  in  full  agreement  with — the  line  of  the  Communist  Party  as  I 
knew  it  during  those  years  as  a  member  of  the  national  committee 
of  the  Communist  Party  and  also  on  the  other  committees  on  a  national 
level  of  the  party. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Then  w^ould  it  be  a  fair  statement  to  say  that  because 
it  was  originated  by  the  party,  that  nothing  was  permitted  to  get  into 
its  columns  that  did  not  in  some  way  or  other  reflect  the  Communist 
Party  line? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  note  one  thing  more.  This  October  1935  issue  speaks 
of  celebrating  the  first  anniversary  of  China  Today.  Does  t,hat 
roughly  correspond  to  your  recollection  as  to  when  this  magazine 
was  started  ? 

Mr.  JoHNSO?r.  Yes,  it  does.  It  was  during  the  early  part  of  the 
1930's,  I  should  say  around  1934,  I  should  say,  that  this  magazine 
was  started. 

Mr.  Clardy.  To  sum  it  up 

Mr.  Johnson.  What  I  wanted  to  bring  out  here  is  that  this  article, 
written  by  Frederick  Spencer,  the  subject  of  which  is,  and  I  quote, 
"The  Missionaries  Must  Choose,"  which  shows  that  at  that  particular 
time  the  Communists  were  working  among  the  missionaries  to  get 
them  to  work  against  the  interests  of  our  Government  in  China  and 
for  the  interests  of  the  policy  of  Soviet  Russia  in  relation  to  China — 
for  example,  there  are  two  things  that  I  would  like  to  quote  from 
this  article  to  indicate  this. 

Tlie  characteristic  feature  of  this  error,  internal  reaction  (Germany,  Italy  and 
the  imperialist  aggression,  Manchuria,  Ethiopia)  may  be  observed  to  a  greater 


2276         COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

or  lesser  degree,  wherever  the  ruling  capitalist  elements  feel  themselves  menaced. 
Under  these  conditions  unless  the  missionaries  range  themselves  unmistakably 
beside  the  progressive  forces  that  are  seeking  to  establish  a  new  social  order,  they 
must  resign  themselves  to  the  instruments,  possibly  involuntary  or  unwitting, 
of  the  reactionary  forces  that  are  defending  the  interests  of  the  old  regime. 

That  is  the  end  of  the  first  quotation. 

In  view  of  the  close  historical  ties  of  the  missions  with  capitalist  institutions, 
it  is  perhaps  futile  to  expect  that  the  central  missionary  organizations  can  dis- 
associate themselves  to  any  significant  degree  from  their  largely  capitalist  patrons 
and  supporters.  This  does  not  hold  true  in  equal  measure  for  the  individual 
missionary.  The  more  intelligent  and  sensitive  of  the  missionaries  in  the  field 
are  forced  to  come  to  grips  with  the  underlying  forces  of  iiuperialist  exploitation 
that  are  racking  the  social  fabric  of  Colonial  countries.  In  some  cases,  at  least, 
they  take  the  position  adopted  by  S.  Lautenschlager,  a  Presbyterion  missionary 
at  Tsingtao,  China,  who  concludes  a  recent  article  in  "Fellowship"  (September, 
1935,  Page  1112)  as  follows:  "Exploiting  capitalism  and  aggressive  nationalism 
are  the  causes  of  war  and  the  real  enemies  of  mankind.  When  these  causes  are 
abolished,  the  militarization  of  China  and  of  the  world  can  come  to  an  end.  To 
accomplish  this,  we  must  be  more  than  resistors  of  war ;  we  must  be  positive 
workers  for  peace.  We  must  become  workers  for  the  abolition  of  the  systems  that 
create  war." 

Mr.  Clardt.  All  right,  Witness. 

Now,  as  I  understand  it,  you  have  a  number  of  other  copies  of  that 
magazine.  Am  I  correct  that  the  rest  of  them  that  you  have  there 
follow  right  along  with  this  same  general  line  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  they  do. 

Mr.  Clardy.  In  the  interest  of  expedition  can  we  sum  up  without 
going  into  detail  on  that  that  what  you  have  read  is  a  fair  sample  of 
the  line  of  attack  that  the  magazine  uses  in  trying  to  bring  missionaries 
into  the  Communist  fold  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Mr.  Johnson,  during  the  course  of  your  testimony 
both  in  New  York  and  here  in  Washington  you  have  mentioned  various 
persons  known  to  you  to  be  Communists,  people  with  whom  you  sat 
in  Communist  fraction  meetings  during  the  time  that  you  were  a  top 
member  of  the  Communist  Party.  Are  there  any  other  names  which 
come  to  your  mind  at  the  present  time  whom  you  can  identify  posi- 
tively and  absolutely  as  having  been  members  of  the  Communist 
Party  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes :  Elizabeth  Gurley  Flynn,  Harry  Bridges,  V.  J. 
Jerome,  Jack  Stachel.  All  of  them  were  Communist  Party  leaders  of 
national  prominence. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  You  knew  them  to  be  members  of  the  Communist- 
Party? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Let  me  interrupt.  To  take  them  out  of  order,  Mr. 
Counsel,  let  us  inquire  a  little  bit  about  this. 

You  have  named  Harry  Bridges.  Do  I  understand  you  to  say  that 
you  have  actually  sat  in  Communist  meetings  with  Harry  Bridges  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes,  I  did,  in  New  York  City  in  1936,  and  I  was  also 
elected  to  the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party  the  same 
year  that  Harry  Bridges  was  elected  to  the  national  committee,  and 
that  was  at  the  ninth  convention  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United 
States  held  in  1936  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

_  Mr.  Clardy.  Did  you  attend  other  Communist  Party  meetings  be- 
sides the  one  that  you  have  mentioned  ? 


COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2277 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  that  was  the  only  one  that  I  attended  with  Harry 
Bridges  because  the  Communist  Party  made  certain  that  knowledge 
of  Bridges'  membership  was  to  be  restricted  to  a  very  few  people  at 
the  top  because  of  the  strategic  position  he  held  in  the  ranks  of  labor 
on  the  west  coast.  In  order  to  assure  that  the  maximum  amount  of 
secrecy  prevailed,  they  put  his  name  on  the  list  of  members  for  the 
national  committee  under  the  name  of  Rossi. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  first  name? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Just  Rossi. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Not  Harry  Rossi  or  anything? 

Mr.  Johnson.  No,  Rossi. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  address  were  these  meetings  held  at  for  purpose 
of  identification  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Well,  the  national  convention  of  the  Communist 
Party  was  held  in  Manhattan  Center  on  34:th  Street  near  8th  Avenue 
in  the  city  of  New  York. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Did  you  exercise  or  did  the  party,  I  should  say,  exer- 
cise precautions  to  make  certain  that  only  Communist  members  were 
admitted  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  are  testifying  now  that  you  saw  him  at  this  con- 
vention ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  saw  him  at  a  meeting  of  the  Politbureau  and  the 
central  committee  that  was  held  during  the  period  of  the  convention. 
They  did  not  bring  him  in  as  an  actual  delegate  because  they  did  not 
want  the  other  delegates  to  know  about  it,  but  he  came  in  and  attended 
a  special  meeting  of  the  central  committee. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Which  you  also  attended  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Yes;  I  was  present  at  that  meeting. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Of  course  Elizabeth  Gurley  Flynn  is  well  known  as  a 
writer  for  the  Daily  Worker  for  many  years. 

I  will  pass  on  to  V.  J.  Jerome.  Would  you  tell  the  committee  just 
briefly  your  acquaintanceship  with  V.  J.  Jerome  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  V.  J.  Jerome  was  a  member  of  the  national  com- 
mittee of  the  Communist  Party.  He  was  head  of  the  cultural  com- 
mission of  the  national  committee.  He  was  in  charge  of  the  in- 
filtration of  the  motion-picture  industry.  That  was  the  special  assign- 
ment by  the  Politbureau  and  central  committee  of  the  Communist 
Party.  He  wrote  numerous  theoretical  articles  for  the  Communist, 
the  theoretical  organ  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  U.  S.  A. 

Mr.  KuNzio.  What  years  did  you  know  Jerome  to  be  a  member  of 
the  top  committees  of  the  Communist  Partv  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  From  1932  to  1940. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  would  be  the  answer  about  Harry  Bridges  on  the 
same  point  ?  What  years  did  you  know  Bridges  as  a  member  of  the 
top  Communist 

Mr.  Johnson.  From  1936  until  I  left  the  party  in  1940. 

Mr.  KuNziG.  Now,  you  mentioned  Jack  Stachel.  Would  you  tell 
the  committee  briefly  your  contact  and  acquaintanceship  with  him  ? 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  worked  under  and  with  Jack  Stachel  for  a  num- 
ber of  years  in  the  party.  He  was  one  of  my  instructors  in  the  secret 
National  Training  School  of  the  Communist  Party  in  1932  where  I 
was  trained  to  become  a  professional  revolutionist.  From  1934  up 
until  I  left  the  party  I  worked  with  him  on  the  national  trade  union 


2278         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    EST    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA 

commission  of  the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party.  Jack 
Stachel  was  a  member  of  the  national  committee  and  also  a  member 
of  the  political  bureau  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mi\  KuNziG.  At  the  conclusion  of  your  testimony  here,  Mr.  John- 
son, could  you  give  us  a  summary  of  the  overall  manner  in  which  the 
Communists  have  attempted  to  infiltrate  and  poison  the  religious 
organizations  of  America  wherever  possible? 

Mr.  Johnson.  Once  the  tactic  of  infiltrating  religious  organizations 
was  set  by  the  Kremlin,  the  actual  mechanics  of  implementing  the 
"new  line"  was  a  question  of  following  the  general  experiences  of  the 
living  church  movement  in  Russia  where  the  Communists  discovered 
that  the  destruction  of  religion  could  proceed  much  faster  through 
infiltration  of  the  church  by  Communist  agents  operating  within  the 
church  itself. 

Tlie  Communist  leadership  in  the  United  States  realized  that  the 
infiltration  tactic  in  this  country  would  have  to  adapt  itself  to  Ameri- 
can conditions  and  the  religious  makeup  peculiar  to  this  country.  In 
the  earliest  stages  it  was  determined  that  with  only  small  forces  avail- 
able it  would  be  necessary  to  concentrate  Communist  agents  in  the 
seminaries  and  divinity  schools.  The  practical  conclusion,  drawn  by 
the  Red  leaders  was  that  these  institutions  would  make  it  possible  for 
a  small  Communist  minority  to  influence  the  ideology  of  future  clergy- 
men in  the  paths  most  conducive  to  Communist  purposes. 

In  general,  the  idea  was  to  divert  the  emphasis  of  clerical  thinking 
from  the  spiritual  to  the  material  and  political — by  political,  of 
course,  is  meant  politics  based  on  the  Communist  doctrine  of  conquest 
of  power.  Instead  of  emphasis  towards  the  spiritual  and  matters  of 
the  soul,  the  new  and  heavy  emphasis  was  to  deal  with  those  matters 
which,  in  the  main,  led  toward  the  Communist  program  of  "immedi- 
ate demands."  These  social  demands,  of  course,  were  of  such  a  na- 
ture that  to  fight  for  them  would  tend  to  weaken  our  present  society 
and  prepare  it  for  final  conquest  by  Communist  forces. 

The  Communists  had  some  small  forces  in  the  seminaries  and  under 
the  leadership  of  Harry  F.  Ward.  These  were  quickly  augmented 
by  additional  recruits  and  siphoned  into  the  divinity  institutions  by 
manipulations  of  Communist  cells  in  the  seminaries.  This  infiltra- 
tion into  seminaries  was  expedited  by  the  use  of  considerable  forces 
the  Communists  had  in  educational  institutions  which  were  eligible  for 
hire  by  divinity  organizations. 

The  plan  was  to  make  the  seminaries  the  neck  of  a  funnel  through 
which  thousands  of  potential  clergymen  would  issue  forth,  carrying 
with  them,  in  varying  degrees,  an  ideology  and  slant  which  would  aid 
in  neutralizing  the  anti-Communist  character  of  the  church  and 
also  to  use  the  clergy  to  spearhead  important  Communist  projects. 

This  policy  was  successful  beyond  even  Communist  expectations. 
The  combination  of  Communist  clergymen,  clergymen  with  a  pro- 
Communist  ideology,  plus  thousands  of  clergymen  who  were  sold  the 
principle  of  considering  Communist  causes  as  progressive,  within 
20  years,  furnished  the  Soviet  apparatus  with  a  machine  which  w^as 
used  as  a  religious  cover  for  the  overall  Communist  operation  rang- 
ing from  immediate  demands  to  actually  furnishing  aid  in  espionage 
and  outright  treason. 


COMMUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW    YORK   AREA         2279 

The  Commimists  have  an  advantage  in  religious  organizations  due 
to  the  fact  that  their  forces  within  religious  groups  are  well  organized 
as  a  totalitarian  group  which,  operating  as  a  highly  mobile  force, 
works  unceasingly  toward  a  premeditated  program.  This  gives  this 
destructive  element  a  great  tactical  advantage  over  all  others  in  the 
religious  organizations  who  deal  with  religion  as  individuals,  operat- 
ing ethics  on  the  basis  of  an  individual  conscience  before  God. 

In  the  early  1930's  the  Communists  instructed  thousands  of  their 
members  to  rejoin  their  ancestral  religious  groups  and  to  operate 
in  cells  designed  to  take  control  of  churches  for  Communist  purposes. 
This  method  was  not  only  propounded,  but  was  executed  with  great 
success  among  large  elements  of  American  church  life.  Communists 
operating  a  double-pronged  infiltration,  both  through  elements  of 
Communist-controlled  clergy,  and  Communist-controlled  laymen, 
managed  to  pervert  and  weaken  entire  stratas  of  religious  life  in  the 
United  States. 

Communists  in  churches  and  other  religious  organizations  were  in- 
structed to  utilize  the  age-old  tradition  of  the  sanctity  of  the  church 
as  a  cover  for  their  own  dastardly  deeds.  Through  Reds  in  religion, 
we  have  a  true  living  example  of  the  old  saying:  "The  Devil  doth 
quote  the  Scripture." 

The  Communists  learned  that  the  clergyman  under  their  control 
served  as  a  useful  "respectable  face"  for  most  of  their  front  activi- 
ties. In  this  way  the  name  of  religion  was  used  to  spearhead  the 
odious  plots  hatched  by  the  agents  of  antireligious  Soviet  communism. 

Communist  strategists  counted  the  effectiveness  of  their  forces  not 
so  much  on  numbers  alone,  but  on  the  importance  of  individuals  loyal 
to  commmiism  in  key  spots  where  a  small  group  can  influence  large 
numbers  and  create  havoc  by  controlling  a  sensitive  spot.  Thus  one 
professor  of  divinity,  lecturing  to  future  clergymen,  who  in  turn  will 
preach  to  thousands  of  churchgoers,  is,  in  the  long  run,  more  dangerous 
than  20  Red  preachers,  singing  the  praises  of  communism  from  the 
pulpit. 

The  same  can  also  be  said  of  a  Communist  agent  operating  an 
important  position  in  a  church  publication  which  reaches  large  multi- 
tudes of  churchgoing  public.  One  practical  effect  of  Red  influence  in 
church  publications  is  to  tip  off  scores  of  pro-Soviet  clergymen,  who 
are  only  too  glad  to  receive  sermon  material  through  the  medium  of  a 
church  publication. 

The  large  backlog  which  the  Communists  have  in  the  writincr  and 
journalistic  field  make  it  easy  for  them  to  infiltrate  religious  publica- 
tions and  organize  new  publications  representing  the  Communist  slant 
in  church  circles. 

It  is  an  axiom  in  Communist  organization  strategy  that  if  an  infil- 
trated body  has  1  percent  Communist  Party  members  and  9  percent 
Communist  Party  sympathizers,  with  well  rehearsed  plans  of  action, 
they  can  effectively  control  the  remaining  90  percent  who  act  and 
think,  on  an  individual  basis.  In  the  large  sections  of  the  religious 
field,  due  to  the  ideological  poison  which  has  been  filtered  in  by  Com- 
munists and  pro-Communists  through  seminaries,  the  backlog  of  sym- 
pathizers and  mental  prisoners  of  socialistic  ideology  is  greater  than 
the  10  percent  necessary  for  effective  control. 


2280         COMMUNIST    ACTIVITIES    IN    THE    NEW   YORK   AREA 

It  is  my  conviction,  as  a  former  leader  of  the  Communist  Party,  that 
those  who  lead  our  Nation  must  expose  this  plot  and  the  Communist 
pattern  of  operation  within  our  churches.  If  the  churchgoing  public 
is  apprised  of  the  true  facts  by  our  investigating  institutions  they,  by 
themselves,  will  quickly  cast  the  Communist  viper  out  of  the  house  of 
God. 

The  Communist  strategy  of  using  the  cry  of  "attack  on  religion"  in 
order  to  stop  an  inquiry  on  their  attack  on  religious  life  should  not 
deter  those  in  whose  hands  lie  the  responsibility  of  exposing  this 
deadly  danger  to  religion  in  America. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Is  there  any  reason  why  this  witness  should  not  be 
released  ? 

Mr.  KuNziG.  No. 

Mr,  Clardy.  Very  well,  that  concludes  the  session. 

(The  hearing  was  adjourned  at  11  a.  m.,  subject  to  the  call  of  the 
Chair.) 

(  Note. — The  following  statement  was  ordered  inserted  in  the  record 
at  this  point:) 

Statement  of  Hoyt  S.  Haddock 

To  Whom  It  May  Concern: 

Newspaper  stories  of  May  5,  1953,  credit  Mrs.  Dorothy  K.  Funn,  with  stating 
in  effect  that  I  was  one  of  a  group  of  Communists  who  met  "*  *  *  together  in 
the  postwar  period  under  Communist  Party  direction  *  *  *."  That  "the  meet- 
ings were  held  in  her  Washington  home,  3100  Warder  Street  NW.,  and  in  the 
homes  of  the  other  members. 

*  *  *  All  17  members  of  the  group  were  knowingly  Communist  Party  mem- 
bers, submitting  to  Communist  discipline.  They  worked  to  further  aims  of  the 
Communist  Party,  not  of  their  unions.  *  *  *" 

I  want  to  state  categorically,  that  if  Mrs.  Funn  did  in  fact  make  such  a  state- 
ment, it  is  incorrect. 

I  knew  Dorothy  Funn  as  a  representative  of  the  National  Negro  Congress. 
During  World  War  II  I  met  her  on  frequent  occasions  at  meetings  of  persons 
interested  in  civil-rights  legislation.  These  meetings  were  called  in  Washington 
offices  of  organizations  and  Congressmen  interested  in  bills  on  poll  tax,  FEPC, 
antilynch,  and  so  forth.  I  attended  such  meetings  as  a  representative  of  the 
CIO  maritime  committee  or  the  CIO  legislative  department.  Since  coming  to 
Washington  in  1941,  I  have  been  the  chairman  of  the  civil-rights  subcommittee  of 
the  CIO  legislative  department. 

At  no  time  during  my  assignment  here  in  Washington  have  I  ever  been  in  the 
home  of  Mrs.  Funn.  Furthermore,  I  have  never  attended  any  meeting  in  the 
home  of  anyone  in  Washington — Communists  or  otherwise.  Of  the  17  persons 
named  by  Mrs.  Funn,  I  have  been  in  the  homes  of  only  2.  The  occasion  in  each 
of  these  instances  was  social.  The  persons  involved  worked  for  the  CIO  maritime 
committee. 

To  my  knowledge  I  have  never  attended  any  Communist  meetings  in  Wash- 
ington. 

During  the  war  the  CIO  maritime  committee  consisted  of  the  National  Mari- 
time Union,  International  Longshoremen's  and  Warehousemen's  Union,  Interna- 
tional Fishermen  and  Allied  Workers  Union,  American  Communications  Asso- 
ciation, National  Union  of  Marine  Cooks  and  Stewards,  and  the  Industrial  Union 
of  Marine  and  Shipyard  Workers.  Of  these  unions,  three  were  expelled  from 
the  CIO  as  unions  whose  officials  followed  the  Communist  line.  They  were  the 
American  Communications  Association,  National  Union  of  Marine  Cooks  and 
Stewards,  International  Longshoremen's  and  Warehousemen's  Union,  and  the 
International  Fishermen  and  Allied  Workers  Union  which  was  at  that  time  part 
of  the  International  Longshoremen's  and  Warehousemen's  Union.  I  naturally 
worked  with  the  officials  of  those  unions  while  they  were  in  the  CIO  maritime 
committee.  It  should  be  crystal  clear  that  I  never  attended  any  Communist 
meetings  with  any  of  those  officials  at  any  time. 

Beginning  in  194G,  I  worked  actively  with  some  of  the  menihprs  of  the  Ameri- 
can Communications  Association  to  get  rid  of  Communist  domination  of  radio 
officers.     In  this  we  were  successful.     Then,  about  1948,  I  joined  in  an  active 


COMJVIUNIST   ACTIVITIES    IN   THE    NEW   YORK    AREA         2281 

campaign  with  Joseph  Curran  and  other  NMU  officials  to  clean  the  Communists 
out  of  the  National  5laritime  Union  where  they  dominated.  In  this  fight  we  were 
successful.  Prior  to  these  dates  I  was  under  constant  attacks  by  at  least  one 
writer  in  the  Daily  Worlier  and  others. 

I  cannot  account  for  the  error  which  Mrs.  Funn  made  by  including  my  name 
in  her  list,  unless  it  was  because  we  were  frequently  together  in  attendance  at 
meetings  on  official  business  for  our  organizations.  I  must  repeat,  however,  that 
1  never  attended  any  meeting,  business  or  Communist,  in  her  home  or  anyone 
else's  home  as  the  newspapers  indicate  she  said. 

I  do  not  now  nor  have  I  ever  held  a  card  in  the  Communist  Party,  the  Young 
Communist  League,  the  Communist  Political  Association  of  America,  or  any  other 
name  used  by  the  Communists  in  the  United  States,  nor  do  I  ascribe  to  their 
ideology  or  tactics.  Persons  who  do  carry  a  card  in  that  party  are,  in  my 
opinion,  either  outright  dupes  or  agents  for  the  Russians. 

To  the  best  of  my  ability  I  shall  continue  to  assist  in  the  stamping  out  of  the 
Communist  philosophy  which  is  dedicated  to  the  destruction  of  democracy  and 
the  dignity  of  the  individual.  The  record  speaks  for  itself  on  my  long-known 
position  that  the  United  States  must  assist  the  free  world  in  becoming  strong 
enough  to  destroy  the  aggressiveness  and  conquering  spirit  of  the  Communists 
throughout  the  world. 

(Signed)     Hott  S.  Haddock. 


INDEX 


Individuals 

Pate 

Adaraic,  Louis 2251,  212:12 

Adams,  James  Luther 2264,  2273 

Allen,    Fran 2134 

Alper,    Michael 2178 

Amile.  Thomas  R 2173 

Amter,   Israel 2173,  2174 

Anderson.  Eleanor  C 2264 

Anderson,  Paul  B 2117 

Andren,    Carl 1981-1990  (testimony) 

Armwood,    Lee 2225 

Atkinson,    Henry   A 2186 

Backunin   2042 

Baintion,  Roland  H 2273 

Baker,  James  C 2129,  2132 

Baldwin,  Roger 2173,  2182,  2183,  2192,  2193 

Ball.   Archey   D 21.33 

Ball,  Lee  H 2092,  2094 

Bancroft,  Frank  C 2264 

Barbusse,  Henri 2172,  2192 

Barclay,  Ward  Crawford 2118 

Barnett,   Albert 2139 

Barr,  Mrs.  Clinton 2173 

Barsky,  Edward  K 2133 

Baruch.  Bernard 2125 

Batt.    Dennis 2075 

Babel    2042 

Bebler 2252 

Bedacht,  Max 2173,  2174,  2264 

Beiler,  Irwin  R 2118 

Belfrage,  Cedric 2255,  22.56,  2264 

Bell  (alias  for  Gallagher) 2050,  2051 

Benjamin.   Herbert 2163 

Bentley,    Elizabeth 2255 

Berger,  Victor  L 2192 

Bergman,  Walter  G 2264 

Beria    2266 

Bernstein    2042 

Bethune,  Mary  McLeod 2090 

Bevin 2252 

Biddle,  Francis 1993,  2178 

Biedenkapp.  Fred 2173,  2174 

Birkhead.  L.  M 2264 

Bishop,    Shelton    Hale 2271 

Bismark  2042 

Bittelman.  Alexander 2110,  2111 

Bittner,  Van  A 2179,  2181 

Black,  Howard 2233 

Blackstone,  William  L 2264 

Blake  (alias  for  J.  Peters) 2176 

Blake,  Edgar 2179,  2181,  2191,  2102 

Blakestone,    Oliver 2133 

Blank,  Anna 1978 

Blome,  Charles 2173 

2283 
33909— 53— pt.  8- 7 


2284  INDEX 

Page 

Bloor,  Ella  Reeve 2173,  2174 

Boas,  Ernest 2118 

Bodian,  Clara 2181,  2183 

Book,  Abbott 2271 

Booth,  Alan 2229 

Bosch,   John 2173 

Bosley,  Harold  A 2271 

Bowen,    Phil 2183 

Bowman,  LeRoy  E 2173,  2192 

Bozal,  Theodore 2229 

Brannan,  Eleanor  (Elenor) 2178,2183 

Bray,  Blanche 2180 

Brickner,  Barnett  R 2191 

Bridges,  Harry  (alias  Rossi) 1999,  2001,  2002,  2104,  2173,  2174,  2276,  2277 

Brodsky,  Joseph 2132 

Browder,  Earl 1974, 1978, 1992, 1993, 

2022,  2058,  2087,  2089,  2104,  2107,  2138,  2141,  2147,  2164,  2165,  216&- 
2171,  2173,  2174,  2192,  2193,  2212,  2224-2226,  2230. 

Browder,  Irene 2227 

Brown  (alias  for  Gerhart  Eisler) 2225 

Brown,  Fred  (alias  Alpi,  alias  Marini) 2224 

Brown,  Jack 2257 

Brown,  William 2173 

Brown,  William  Montgomery 2053,  2076,  2148-2151 

Bryan,  Horace 2256-2258 

Bubnov 2039 

Buck,  Tim 2183 

Buckley,  Nat 2183 

Buckmaster,  Henrietta 2264 

Budenz,  Louis 2003 

Bukharin,  N 2039, 2042,  2050,  2073 

Burlak,  Ann 2163 

Burton,  Harold 2191 

Butler,  Smedley 2191,  2192 

Buttrick,  George  R 2025 

Byrd,  Mabel 2173 

Cadden,  Joseph 2181,  21S2 

Calkins,  Raymond 2271 

Call,  Lon  Ray 2233 

Campbell,  A.  L 2264 

Campion,  Martha 2155 

Cantril,   Hadley 2025 

Chamberlain 2241 

Chamberlain,   William 2097 

Chambers,  Whittaker 2088 

Chappell,  Winifred 2173,  2174,  2197,  2198,  2264,  2265 

Chase,   Donald   M 2179 

Chaunt,  Peter 2148 

Chibuski,    Mike 2257 

Churchill,  Winston 2104,  2116,  2130-2133 

Cianfarra,  Camille 2072,  2073 

Clark,  Tom 2178 

Clausewitz 2039 

Clemmer,  William  B 2271 

Cochran,  William  F 2233 

Coe,  Albert  Buckner 2271 

Coe,  George  A 2111,  2112,  2173 

Cole.  G.  D.  H 2248 

Comfort,  Richard 2264 

Compere,  Ralph  M 2178,  2179,  2181,  2183,  2184 

Cope,  J.  Raymond 2271 

Counts,  G.  S 2097 

Counts,  George  S 2173 

Cowley,  Malcolm 2173 

Craig,  Septimus 2184 


INDEX  2285 

Page 

Crane,  Henry  H 2118 

Crawford,  B.  F 2180 

Cowl,  Margaret  (alias  for  Margaret  Undjus) 2106 

Curran,  Joseph 2281 

Dalles,  Ida 2087,  2178,  2179,  2182,  2183,  2185,  2187 

Dana.  H.  W.  L 2173,  2174 

Darcy,  Sam 2133 

Davis,  Ben 2272 

Davis,  Jerome 2075-2077,  2079,  2088,  2184,  2235,  2247,  2248 

Davis,  J.  P 2088 

Davis,  Joseph  E 2250 

Davis,  Lewis  H 2271 

Dawber,  Mark  A 22G4 

Dean  of  Canterbury 2229 

Debert,  William 2264 

Debs,  Eugene 2229 

Del 2161,  2162 

DeLucca,  Anthony 2015,  2016 

Dennis.  Eugene 2091,  2110,  2115,  2128,  2131 

Derchinsky 2042 

Detzer,   Dorothy 2173 

Dimitrov 2042 

Dimitrov,  Georgi , 2165,  2166 

Dimitruck,  Anastasia 2158 

Dodd,  Bella 2202,  2216,  2219 

Dombrowski,  James 2264 

Douglas,  T.  C 2183 

Dunn,  Robert  W 2079,  2097,  2104,  2105,  2132 

Dutt,  R.  Palme 2225 

Eary,  Ralph 2184 

Easton,  Davis 2236,  2237,  2239 

Eddy,  Sherwood 2075,  2076,  2097 

Edwards  (alias  for  Gerhart  Eisler) 2224,2225 

Ehrenbourg,  Ilya 2246 

Eichelberger,  Clark  M 2186 

Eisenhower,   President 2215,  2229,  2270,  2273 

Eisler,  Gerhart  (alias  Brown,  alias  Edwards) 2051,  2052,  2225 

Einstein,  Albert 2273,  2274 

Ellis,  Calvin  C 2271 

Engels,  Fredrick 2042,  2082 

Eydeman 2039 

Fang  Chen-Wu 2192,  2193 

Farley,  J  ames 2086 

Father  Divine 2171,  2225,  2226 

Fenwick,  Charles  G 2186 

Ferre,  Nels  F.  S 2271 

Fey,  Harold 2233 

Field,  Frederick  V 2228,  2229 

Fine,  C.  W 2191 

Fish,    Fred 2183 

Fisher,  Edgar  J 2186 

Fletcher,  Joseph 2017,  2127,  2129,  2130,  2264 

Fletcher,  Martha  (Mrs.  Harold  A.  Fletcher,  Jr.) 2012,  2015,  2016,  2022 

Fletcher,  Norman  D 2180 

Flynn,  Elizabeth  Gurley 2276,  2277 

Forbes,  Kenneth  R 2025 

Ford,  James  W 2224,  2225,  2227 

Forman,   Clark 2133 

Fors.vth,  Margaret  E 2092,2094,2173,2174,2186,2191,2192 

Foster,  William  Z 1978,  2071, 2091,  2118,  2128,  2131,  2167,  2170,  2229 

Franzen,  John 2179 

I'rederickson,  Mrs.  Chris 2178 

Freeman,  Lou 2155,  2156 

Fritchman,  Stephen 2012,  2015,  2016,  2022 

Funn,  Dorothy  K 2280,  2281 


2286  INDEX 

Page 

Gallagher  (alias  Bell) 2050,2051 

Gasperri 2252 

Gates,  Maurice 2173 

Gedye -       2241 

Gezork,  Herbert 2014,  2025,  2026 

Gilbert,  Charles  K 2278 

Gilbert,  Margaret 2018 

Gitlow,  Benjamin 2069-2136  (testimony) 

Glintenkamp,  H.  J 2203 

Gold,  Ben 1999,  2178 

Golden,  Clinton  S 2181 

Goldman,  Paul  L 2173 

Goldstein,  Benjamin 2173 

Goldstein,  Israel 2173 

Goldstein,  Sidney 2182 

Grant,   Bert 2149,  2150 

Gray.    Annie    E 2173 

Greeley,   Dana  McLean 2271 

Green,  Gilbert 2083,  2086,  2088,  2173,  2174,  2199,  2214,  2220-2222 

Green,   James 2187 

Greenfield,    Mr 1987 

Greenglass,    Davis 2278 

Guarnaccia,    Elizabeth •^--^-^^^- 2016 

Guessev,  S.  T _- — 2039,  2042 

Guvot,    Raymond 2266,  2267 

Haddock,  Hoyt  S 2280,  2281 

Hahn,  Herman  C 2264 

Hall,  Mai-tin  (alias  Herman  Jacobs) 2130 

Hall,    Otto 2148 

Ham.  Chester 2184 

Hamilton,    Al 2218 

Hamilton,    Berta 2183 

Hamilton,  Samuel  L 2115 

Hand,    Learned 2000 

Hansu  Chan 2193 

Hardy 2097 

Harris,    Kay 2192 

Harris,    Thomas   L 2186 

Hart,    Caroline 2191 

Hartman,  Lewis  O 2124,  2129,  2132 

Hathaway,  Clarence 2173,  2174 

Havs,  Arthur  Garfield 2183 

Hayes,   Max   S 2191 

Heller.  A.  A 2173,  2174 

Henderson,   Donald 2173,  2174 

Hendley,  Charles  J 21S3 

Herling,    Jack 2194 

Herndon,   Angelo 2182,  2225 

Herring,    Elizabeth 2264 

Hews,    Amey 2114 

Hickerson,    Harold 2173,  2192 

Hieferding 2042 

Hill.  Charles  A 2271 

Hillman,  Sidney 2135,  2228 

Hinckley,    William    W 2180,  2186 

Hindus,    Maurice 2097 

Hirsch,    Alfred 2132 

Hirsch,    Carl 2215 

Hirshon,  Louis  M 2271 

Holmes.  John  Haynes 2077,  2185,  2271 

Hood.  Otis  Archer . 2010 

Hoover.    Herbert 2071,  2086 

Hopkins,    Robert    M 2273 

Hudson,    Roy 2173,  2174 

Hughes 2155 

Hughes,  Kenneth  de  P 2018,  2022,  2271 


INDEX  2287 

Page 

Hughes,  Langston 2024,2173,  2174,  2191 

Hull,  Cordell 21S0 

Hutchins,  Grace 2007,  2106 

lima,  Viola 2087,  2140 

Imes,  William  Lloyd 2178,2183,2184 

Irwin,    Clarence 2173,2192,  2193 

Israel,  Edward  L 2173 

Jackson,  Edgar 2179 

Jackson,  Lela  R 2173 

Jacobs,  Herman  (alias  for  Martin  Hall) 2130 

Jacobson,  John 2180 

James,   Daniel 2248,  2249 

Jerome,   Victor 2138,  2141 

Jerome,  V.  J 2276,  2277 

Johnson,  A.  H 2173 

Johnson,    Hewlett 2012,  2022,  2105,  2249 

Johnson,  Manning 2138,  2141,  2145-2280  (testimony) 

Johnson,  O 2225 

Johnson,  Robert  Livingston 2026 

Jones,  Claudia 2090 

Jones,  James  A 2271 

Jones,  John  Paul 2264,  2271 

Kamenev 2039 

Kaplan,  Arthur 2184 

Kaufman,  Irving 2000 

Kautzky 2042 

Keracher,  John 2075 

Kester,  Howard 2233 

King,  Edna  Joyce 2264 

King,  Herbert 2173 

Kingston,  Kenneth 2184 

Kirkpatrick,    Mr 1978 

Kirsienova 2042 

Kling,  Jack 2180 

Koger,  Harry 2264 

Kornfeder,  Joseph  Zack 2035-2058  (testimony),  2136 

Kornfeld,  Ernest 2173 

Kornilov,  K.  N 2238 

Kuch,  G.  Richard 2264 

Kuusinen,  Otto 2042,  2071 

Lamont,   Corliss 2017,  2173,  2228,  2229 

Lapin,    Adam 2115 

Larkin,    Jim 2070 

LaSalle    2042 

Lash,    Joseph    P.    (Joe) 2088,2140,2181.2185 

Laski,    Harold 2181,  2248 

Lathrop,  John  Howland 2264 

Lauteiischlager,   S 2274-2276 

Lay,  Lawrence 2264 

I^e,    Howard 2264 

Leech,  Bert 2179 

Lehmann,  Paul 2025 

Lenin    2042,  2044, 2047,  2077,  2082 

Lerner,  James 2088,  2089,  2173,  2174,  2181,  2184,  2189,  2191,  2193 

Lester,  Donald 2178 

Leslie,  Kenneth 2234,  2242,  2243,  2245 

Levy,  Carl  H 2182 

Levy,   Felix 2180 

Lewis;    Samuel 1983 

Lightbody,   Charles 2264 

Lindemann,  E.  C 2173 

Lippman,  Walter 2253 

Livingston,  David 1990-2005  (testimony) 

Littel,   Franklin  H 2120,2121 


2288  INDEX 

Pago 

Lloyd,  Lola  Maverick 2173 

Loomer,  Bernard  M 2215-2217, 2273 

Lord   Halifax 224S 

Losovsky,  S 2042 

Lothrop,  Donald  G 2017,  2184,  2264 

Lovett,    Robert    Morss 2088,  2173,  2174,  2192,  2193 

Lumpkin,    Grace 2106 

MacCallum,  John  A 2264 

Mackay,  John  A 2025 

MacKenzie,    H.    Lincoln 2233 

MacLennan,   C.   F 2264 

MacNaushton,    General 2245 

Macy,  Paul  G 2264 

Magil,  A.  B 2229 

Magnes,  Judal  L 2077 

Magruder,  N.  Burnett 2264 

Mallett,   Reginald 2271 

Malstus 2042 

Mangold,  William 2173,  2174 

Mann,  Tom 2228 

Manuilsky    2071 

Mao  Tse-tung 2252,  2253 

Marcantonio,  Vito 2183 

Marley,  Harold  P 2264 

Martin,  J.  A 2173 

Matsui,   Haru 2193 

Matthews,  Stanley 2264 

Maxwell,  O.  Clay 2273 

Maybee,    Ruth 2233 

McCarthy,  Joseph 2229,  2263 

McConnell,   Dorothy 2088,  2106,  2180.  2182 

McConnell,  Francis  J 2104,  2139,  2180,  2181,  2186,  2264 

McDonald,  Malcolm 2248 

McGowan,  Edward  D 2270,  2271,  2274 

McGrady,  Edward 2163 

McLeod,  A.  A 2183,  2193 

McMichael,  Jack  R 1992,  2084-2089,  2092,  2093,  2107, 

2114,  2124,  2131,  2132,  2135,  2137-2141,  2198,  2199,  2228,  2264,  2265 

McNutt,  Waldo 2087,  2173,  2183,  2184, 2191 

Medina,  Harold 2010,  2025,  2214 

Melish,  John  Howard 2271 

Michelson,  Clarina 2152,  2153 

Michelson,  William 1970,  1971-1981  (testimony) 

Miller,  Charles  L 2180 

Miller,  Clyde  R 2264 

Miller,  Marion  M 2186 

Mingulin 2042 

Minor,  Robert 2178 

Molotov 2071 

Mondale,  R.  Lester 2173 

Moore,  Joseph  G 2264 

Moos,  Elizabeth 2012,  2016,  2022 

Morford,  Richard 2114,  2126,  2127 

Morgan,  J.  P 2167,  2181 

Morgan,  Lome  T 2183 

Morris,  J.  Carroll 2089 

Mortimer,  Wyndham 2191 

Muelder,  Walter  G 2119 

Mulkey,  Floyd 2134 

Nash,  Norman  B 2270,  2271 

Nelson,  John  Oliver 2271 

Nelson,    Steve 2088 

Neumann,  Henry 2271 

Niebuhr,  Reinhold 2181,  2233 

Niemoller,  Martin 2236 

Nixon,  Russell  A 1977 


INDEX  2289 

Page 

Nuncio,  Tito 2178 

Oak,  Liston 2088 

O'Dwyer,  Mayor 1988 

Oldham,  G.  A 2186 

Oliver.  Gene 2192 

Onisick,  Peter 2173 

Osman,  Artliur 2004,  2005-2007  (testimony) 

Ovseyenko,  Antonov 2039 

Oxnam,  G.  Bromley 2029,  2114,  211G,  2124, 2129, 2132,  2136 

Paddock,  Robert  L 2182 

Page,  Kirby 2075,2076 

Paine,  (ieorge  L 2271 

Palev,  Jack 2004,  2005-2007  (testimony) 

Palmer.  Albert  W 2271 

Palmer,  Frank 2191 

Palmer,  Mitcliell 2242 

Pass,  Joseph 2192,  2193 

Patch.   Harold 2187 

Patterson,  Leonard 2136-2143  (testimony) 

Patterson,   Samuel  C 2173,  2174 

Patterson,  William  L 2274 

Pauck,    William 2180 

Pearson,   Lester 1983 

Pederson,    Harold 2180 

Penner,  Albert  J 2273 

Perkins,  Secretary 2163 

Peron,  Jean 2192 

Peters,  J 2176 

Petersen,  Hjalmar 2183 

Petrov,  Vladimir 2059-2069  (testimony) 

Philhrick,  Herbert  A 2007-2030  (testimony) 

Phillian,  Alex 2182 

Piatakov 2042 

Piatnitzky 2042,  2047 

Piatt,  David 2228 

Plavner,  Murray 2089 

Poindexter,  D.  R 2173 

Poling,  Daniel  A 2019,  2025 

Pollock 2097 

Poole,  Frederick  G 2118 

Pope,  Liston 2264 

Porter,   Paul 2193 

Potamkin,  Alan 2157,  2158 

Poteat,  E.  McNeill 2264 

Powell,  A.  Clayton,  Jr 2173 

Puner,  Samuel  P " 2182 

Quirt,  Walter 2155 

Rautenstrauch,  Walter 2090,  2092,  2123 

Ray,  Demas 2257 

Ray,  Frank 2257 

Read,  Ralph 2233 

Reed,  John 2070 

Reid,  Paul 2178,  2180-2185,  2191,  2192 

Reisman,  Philip 2158 

Reissig,  Herman  F 2086,  2186.  2192 

Remington,  William 2012,  2022 

Renahan,  George 2182 

Reynolds,  Alonzo  W 2182 

Reynolds,  Bertha  C 2264 

Reynolds,  Jimmie 2257 

Ricardo 2042 

Richards,  W.  S 2189 

Rigby,  Lisle 2162 

Roberts,  George 2202,  2203 

Roberts,  Paul 2271 

Robeson,  Paul 2024,  2091,  2228,  2229,  2272 


2290  INDEX 

Page 

Robinson,  James  H 2273 

Robinson,  Reid 2088 

Rochester,  Anna 2097 

Rockefeller,  John  D.,  Jr 2167 

Roelofs,  Henrietta 2186 

Rolland,  Romain 2092 

Rome,  Dennis 2257 

Roosevelt,  Archibald 2031,  2032-2034  (testimony) 

Roosevelt,   Eleanor 2087.  2247 

Roosevelt,  President 2087,  2104,  2115,  2116,  2190,  2211,  2243 

Roots,  Bishop 2236 

Rosenberg,  Ethel 2013,  2022.  2053,  2054,  205G,  2214-2218,  2263,  2272-2274 

Rosenberg,    Julius 2013,  2022,  2053,  2054,  2056,  2214-2218,  2263,  2272-2274 

Rosenfeld,  Kurt 2193 

Rossi  (alias  for  Harry  Bridges) 2277 

Rudasz 2042 

Rueggeberg,  F.  C 2182 

Samsay,  John  G 2124 

Sanchez,  Leonardo  Fernandez 2193 

Satterwhite,  J.  H 2271 

Saunders,  Wilbur  E 2271 

Schappes,  Morris  U 1975 

Scherer,  Paul 2273 

Schmaltz,  Alfred 2185 

Scott,  Byron  N 2186 

Scott,  Elizabeth 2180 

Sheinberg,  Arthur 1970,  1971-2007 

Shepard,  Henry 2173,  2174 

Shepherd,  Massey  H.,  Jr 2271 

Shipler,  Guy  Emery 2271,2272 

Shotwell.  James  T 2186 

ShiUTipert,  Robert  D 2264 

Sirovich,  William  I 2180 

Sissons,  Anna 2183 

Sister    Granoff 2184 

Sizer,  Leonard  M 2264 

Smith,  Alfred  E 2070 

Smith,  Alson  J 2092,  2093,  2113,  2114 

Smith,    Jessica 2228 

Smith,  Treadwell 2160,  2161,  2173 

Smith,  Tucker  P 2077 

Snow,  Mrs.  Sidney  B 2264 

Soglow.  Otto 2162 

Soule,  Isobel  Walker 2106 

Speer,  Robert  K 2183 

Spence,    Ben ~ 2183 

Spencer,   Frederick 2275 

Spofford,  Wm.  B 2076,  2077,  2079, 

2090,   2107-2109,    2173,   2183,   2184,  2186,   2233,   2236,   2264,   2271 

Stachel.  Jack 1978,  2118,  2276-2278 

Stalin,  Joe 2042,  2050,  2071,  2083,  2104,  2116,  2129 

Steffens,    Lincoln 2173,  2174 

Stein,  Peter 2004,  2005-2007  (testimony) 

Stevens,  Alexander  {see  also  J.  Peters) 2176 

Stevens,  Bennett 2166 

Stevens,   Thelma 2124 

Stewart,  Maxwell  S 2173 

Stitt,  Jesse  W 2273 

Strong,  Anna  Louise 2105,  2250,  2251 

Stron'^  Josiah 2250 

Strong,  Sidney 2077 

Struik,  Dirk  J 2090 

Sullivan,  William  Wallace 22G4 

Sverdlov 2042 

Tawuey,  R.  H 2181 


INDEX  2291 

Past 

Taylor,  Alva  W 2132,  2133,  2264 

Taylor,  G.  W 2271 

Teitelbauni.  Kabbi 2258,  2259 

Thayer,  Russell 2186 

Thompson,  John  B 22(54 

Thompson,  Louise 2173,  2174 

Thompson,  Robert 1988,  2090,  2131 

Thompson,  T.  K 2273 

Tillic'h,  Paul 2025 

Timoshenko,  Serayon 2245,  2246 

Tippett 2097 

Tito 2251,  2252 

Tittle,  Ernest  Freemont 2117 

Tobias,   Channing   H 2264 

Trachtenberg,  Alexander 2008 

Trevelyan.  Sir  Charles 2116 

Trotsky,  Leon 2037 

Truman,  President 1976,  2023,  2035,  2118,  2131,  2132,  2134,  2252,  2270,  2273 

Tuchachevsky 2039 

Tucker,  Irwin  St.  John 2077 

Tucker,   Leonard 2118 

Tunney,  Gene 2086,  2089 

Uudjus,  Margaret  (alias  Margaret  Cowl) 2106 

Uphaus,  Willard  E 2092,  2093,  2107,  2133,  2264 

Drey,  Harold  E 2273,  2274 

Valinsky,  R.  H 2180 

Villard,  Oswald  Garrison 2183 

Vishinsky 2252,2258 

Vlastos,  Gregory 2264 

Vrabel,  Helen 2180 

Wagenknecht,  Alfred 2173,  2174 

Wallace,  Henry  A 2118,  2134 

Walter,   Felic 2183 

Waltmire,  W.  B 2180,  2185 

Ward,  Harry  F 2049-2052, 

2057,  2058,  2075-2077,  2079,  2080,  2084,  2080-2090,  2092,  2093,  2097, 
2102-2105,  2107-2109,  2111,  2113,  2114,  2118,  2132,  2133,  2138,  2140- 
2143,  2169,  2171-2174,  2176-2178,  2180-2183,  2186,  2189,  2192,  2193, 
2198,  2201,  2202,  2207-2209,  2211,  2212,  2228-2230,  2233,  2239,  2264, 
22G6,  2278. 

Ward,  Lynd 2264 

Warne,  Colston  E 2173 

Watson.    Goodwin 2106 

Webb,  S.  B 2097 

Webber,  Charles  C—  2085,  2086,  2088, 2092,  2104,  2107,  2132,  2135,  2136,  2191,  2264 

Webster,  James 2173 

Wechsler,  James  A 2173,  2174,  2187,  2229 

Weil,  F.  Taylor 2022 

Weinstock,    Louis 2173,  2174 

Weir,  Forrest  C 2271 

Werlick,    John 2173 

West,  Donald  L 2234 

White,    Charlie 2140 

White,   Eliot 2011,  2012,  2015,  2022,  2230 

Whitfield,  Owen  H 2264 

Whitten,  Richard  Bobb 2173 

Wieman,   Henry   N 2180 

Williams,   Albert   Rhys 2075,  2076,  2079,  2105 

Wiliia-ms,  Claude  C 2052,  2053,  2107,  2256-2260,  2263-2265 

Williams,  Daniel  C 2264 

Williams,  Joyce 2257-2259 

W^illiam,  Sidney  R 2264 

Williamson,    John 2131 

Wilson,  Charles  C 2264 

Wilson,   President 2155,  2204 

Winchell,   Walter 2229 


2292  INDEX 

Page 

Winston,    Henry 2024,  2272 

Winter,    Ella 2173,  2174 

Wise,  James  Waterman 2186,  2192,  2193 

Wise,  Stephen  S . 2077,  2186 

Wofsy,  Leon 2091 

Wolfe,  Rolland  E 2271 

Woltman,  Frederick 2139 

Womack,  Arthur  W 2271 

Wright,  Alex  V 2173 

Wright,    Jay 2183 

Yaroslawsky,  Emil 2043,  2050,  2147 

Yergan,  Max 2088,  2283,  2265 

Young,    Art 2261,  2262 

Zimmerman,    Charles 2173 

Zunzer,   Helen 2156 

Organizations 

All-American  Anti-Imperialist  League 2077 

Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron,  Tin  and  Steel  Workers,  Ohio 2184 

Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America 2135 

Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  Union 2228 

American  Association  of  Writers  and  Artists 2040 

American  Civil  Liberties  Union 2179,  2182,  2228 

American  Committee  for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom 2093 

American  Committee  for  Indonesian  Independence 2094 

American  Committee  for  Protection  of  the  Foreign  Born 1973,  1974, 

1982,  2020,  2054,  2094 

American  Committee  to  Save  Refugees 2093 

American  Communications  Association 2040,  2280 

American  Council  on  Soviet  Relations 2115,  2132 

American  Federation  of  Labor 2121,  2183,  2186,  2227 

American  Federation  of  Labor,  Cleveland 2191 

American  Friends  of  Spanish  Democracy 2093 

American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 2052,  2084-2086,  2088 

2106,  2137,  2140,  2141,  2161,  2169-2174,  2176-2179,  2181,  2185-2188, 
2190-2193,  2195-2197,  2202,  2205,  2206,  2208.  2212,  2213,  2228,  2230 

American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy 2084-2086, 

2088,  2093, 2094,  2106,  2186, 2198, 2202,  2206,  2212,  2228,  2236 

American   Legion 2191 

American  Newspaper  Guild 2040 

American  Peace  Mobilization 1993,  2040,  2094 

American  Rescue  Ship  Mission 2133 

American  Russian  Institute 2106 

American  Student  Union 2088,  2181 

American  Youth  Congress 1992, 

1993,  2083-2089,  2093,  2137,  2140,  2180,  2214,  2222,  2223 

American  Youth  for  Democracy 1993,  1994,  2011,  2012,  2017,  2022,  2090,  2107 

American  Youth  League 2087 

Andover-Newton  Theological  Seminary 2014,  2025 

Anti-God  Society  of  the  Soviet  Union 2050 

Baptist  Young  People's  Union 2220,2222 

Batorii 2225 

Bloomingdale's  Local  3,  Department  Store  Employees  Union 1981, 19S2 

Boston  School  for  Marxist  Studies 2010 

Boston  University 2139 

Boy    Scouts 2155,  2160,  2161 

Bretton  Woods  Conference 2115,  2119,  2120 

British  Labor  Party 2183 

Bronx  Busy  Bees_ — 2161 

Brookwood  Labor  College 2180 

Buenos  Aires  Peace  Conference 2182 

Bureau  of  University  Travel 2248 

Cambridge  Committee  for  Equal  Opportunities 2022 

Cambridge  Youth  Council— 2026 

Canadian  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 2183 

Canadian  Royal  Commission 2125 


INDEX  2293 

Page 

Catholic  Association  for  International  Peace 2186 

Catholic   Charity 2002 

Central  Labor  Union 2180 

Central  Labor  Union,  Toledo 2184 

Central  Pioneer  Bureau 2151 

Chicago  Anti-War  and  Anti-B\ascist  Congress 2207 

Chicago  Conference  on  Race  Relations 2117 

Chicago  University  Divinity  School 2273 

Children's  Coniniittee  Against  War  and  Fascism 2161 

China  Aid   Council 2106,2184 

China  Welfare  Fund 2094 

Christian  American  Association 2120 

Christian    Endeavor 2181 

Christian    Mobilizers 2120 

Christian  Social  Action  Movement 2095 

Christian  Youth  Council  of  North  America 2089 

Church  Federation  of  Ix>s  Angeles 2271 

Church  League  for  Industrial  Democracy 2126,2184,2236 

Citizens  Committee  for  Harry  Bridges 2093 

Citizens  Military  Training  Corps 2196 

City  College  of  New  York 1971,1975 

Civilian   Conservation   Corps 2196 

Civil  Rights  Congress 1977, 1982,  1998,  2054,  2274 

Cleveland  Federation  of  Labor 2191 

Colgate-Rochester  Divinity  School 2271 

Columbia    University 2123 

Comintern 2039,   2040, 

2042,  2050,  2071,  2074,  2077,  2079,  2082,  2083,  2086,  2091,  2105,  2115 

Commissariat  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  Soviet  Government 2075 

Committee  for  Citizenship  Rights 2094 

Committee  for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom 2103 

Committee  of  One  Thousand 2093,  2094 

Committee  on  African  Affairs 2263 

Committee  to  Defend  the  Rosenbergs 2054 

Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder 1974 

Committee  to  Secure  Justice  in  the  Rosenberg  Case 2022 

Commonwealth  College,  Mena,  Ark 2263 

Communist  Information  Bureau 2225 

Communist  International 2036,  2043,  2046,  2050,  2051, 

2071,  2074,  2075,  2079,  2130,  2151,  2165,  2172,  2224,  2225,  2250,  2275 

Communist  International,  Anglo-American  Secretariat 2036- 

2038,  2050,  2051,  2079 

Communist  International,  Sixth  World  Congress 2043 

Communist  International,  Seventh  World  Congress 2083 

Conference  for  Progressive  Labor  Action 2194 

Conference  of  Methodist  Youth 2139 

Conference  on  Constitutional  Liberties 2133 

Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations 1971, 

1983,  1984,  1992,  1999,  2003,  2040,  2043,  2186 

Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations — Political  Action  Committee 2136 

Congress     of     Industrial     Organizations — Political     Action     Committee, 

Virginia 2135 

Contemporary  Publishing  Association 2073 

Continental  Congress 2194 

Cooperative  Commonwealth  Federation  Clubs 2183 

Cornell  University 2076 

Council  for  Social  Action 2185 

Cultural  Workers  in  Motion  Pictures  and  Other  Arts 2094 

Department  of  Justice 2104,  2215.  2229 

Department  of  Justice,  Immigration  and  Naturalization  Service,  Inves- 
tigation Section  of 2146 

Department  Store  Employees  Union  of  New  York  City 2134 

Detroit  Federation  of  Labor 2184 

Distributive,  Processing  and  Office  Workers  of  America,  CIO 1984, 

1991,  1992,2003 
Dumbarton  Oaks  Conference 2114 


2294  INDEX 

Page 

Emergency  Civil  Liberties  Committee 2025 

Emergency  Peace  Campaign 21S0 

Emergency  Peace  Campaign  Committee,  Pittsburgh 2180 

Epics 2179 

Episcopal  Theological  Seminary  in  Cambridge,  Mass 2017,  2271 

Epworth  League 2178 

Ethical  Culture  Society 2271 

Evangelical  and  Reformed  Council  for  Social  Reconstruction 2126 

Farmer-Labor  Political  Federation 21 S4 

Farmers  Holiday 2178 

Federal  Bureau  of  Investigations—  2008,2017,2019,2021,2026,2029,2104,2210 

Federal  Communications  Commission 2106,  2107 

Federal  Council  of  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 2025,  2181 

Finnish  Federation  Pioneers 2160 

Foreign  Language  Publishing  House,  Moscow 2129 

Foreiyn  Mission  lioard  of  the  National  Baptist  Convention,  Inc 2271 

Fort  William  Independent  Labor  Party 2183 

Fraternal  Council  of  Churches 2272 

Free  Food  Fighters  Club 2161 

Friends  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born 2078 

Friends  of  Russia 2025 

Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union 2077, 2080,  2080,  2106,  2115 

Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union,  CIO 1999 

George  Washington  Carver  School 1997 

German-American  League  for  Culture 2130 

Gimbels 1978 

Girl  Scouts 2155,  2178 

Golden  Rule  Foundation 2273 

Greater  New  York  Emergency  Conference  on  Inalienable  Rights 2094,2115 

Greater  New  York  Fund 2002 

Hands  Off  China  Committee 2078 

Hartford  Theological  Seminary 2075 

Harvard  University 2186 

Hearns 1987 

Hood  Theological  Seminary 2271 

Hoover  Institute  and  Library  of  Stanford  University 2072 

Industrial  Union  of  Marine  and  Shipyard  Workers 2280 

Institute  of  Pacitic  Relations 2027 

Interchurch  World  Movement 2180,  2181 

Intercollegiate  Christian  Council 2091 

International  Fishermen  and  Allied  Worker's  Union 2280 

International  Juridical  Association 2040 

International  Labor  Defense 1977,  2077,  2080,  2086,  2154 

International  Legion  in  the  Red  Army 2076 

International  Lungshoremen  s  and  Warehousemen's  Union 2280 

International  Longshoremen's  Association  of  San  Francisco 2184 

International  of  Youth 2214,2216,2219,2222 

International  Press  Correspondence 2130 

International  Publishers 2047,  2147 

International  Workers  Order 2094,2164,2180 

International  Workers  Order  Juniors 2160 

Jefferson  Scliool  of  Social  Science 2017 

Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee  Committee 2017 

"Keep  America  Out  of  War  Congress" 2089 

Konsomol 2072 

Labor  Research  Association 2079,  2097,  2104,  2135 

Labor  Youth  League 2090,  2091 

League  of  Nations 2196 

League  of  Nations  Association 2181,2186,2194 

League  of  Struggle  for  Negro  Rights 2227 

League  of  Women  Voters 2181 

Lenin  Institute 2050 

Lenin   Scliool,  Moscow 2036,  2038,  2043,  2044,  2047,  2048,  2057,  2106 

Lenin  University,  Moscow 2039,2042 

Living  Church 2186 

London  Conference  for  World  Trade  Union  Unity 2121 


INDEX  2295 

Page 

London  School  of  Economics 2248 

L'Unita  Operatia 2178 

Massachusetts  Conference  of  Conirregational-Christian  Churches 2271 

IMassnchusotts  Youth  Council  of  Boston 2020 

Meariville  Tlieolosical  Seminary 2273 

Methodist  Church  Hi-League 2178 

Methodist  Federation  for  Social  Action   (formerly  Methodist  Federation 

for  Social  Service) 2040,  2nr>0,  20n2,  20r>n,  2057.  2nr.8, 

20S2,  2084,  2085,  2088-2000,  200.3-2102.  2104-2122,  2125-2128,  2130- 
2136,  2139,  2177,  2181.  2184,  21 SG,  2197,  2198,  2201,  2202,  2228,  2230 

Michigan  State  Or.ganization  of  the  Socialist  Party 2075 

Mid  Eastern  University,  Moscow 2082 

Minnesota  Farmer-Lahor  Juniors 21S0 

"MOPR"— American   Branch 2086 

Morehouse  College,  Atlanta 2001 

Moscow   University 2238 

Mother  Bloor  Celebration  Committee 2086 

Murder,  Inc 2243 

NAC  Bureau 2140 

Nation    Associates 21 16 

National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People 2002,2182 

National  Association  of  Manufacturers 2110 

National  Committee  to  Defend  Negro  Leadership 2023,  2274 

National  Committee  to  Keep  Prices  Down 2109 

National  Committee  to  Secure  Justice  for  the  Rosenbergs 2274 

National  Committee  to  Win  the  Peace 1096 

National  Conference  of  Jewish  Youth  Organizations 2091 

National  Conference  of  Methodist  Youth 2091 

National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship 2017 

National   Council   of  Churches 2273 

National  Council  of  Jewish  Y'outh 2091 

National  Council  of  Methodist  Youth 2089,  2181,  2185,  21S6,  2213 

National  Council  of  the  Youth  Congress 2184 

National  Council  to  Aid  Agricultural  Labor 2003 

National  Emergency  Conference  Call 2117 

National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic  Rights 2094 

National  Farmers  Union 2109 

National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties 1977,  2093,  2094 

National  Guard 2188-2190,  2194,  2207-2211 

National  Intercollegiate  Christian  Council 2089 

National  Labor  Relations  Board 1986 

National  Lawyers  Guild 2028 

National  Maritime  Union 2040,  2280.  2281 

National  Miners  Union 2153.  2154 

National  Negro  Congress 2140.  2280 

National  Recovery  Administration 2098,  2099 

National  Student  Federation 2181 

National  Student  League 2184 

National  Training  School  of  the  Communist  Party 2277 

National  Union  of  Marine  Cooks  and  Stewards 2280 

National  University,   Peking 2080 

National  Youth  Committee  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 2091 

National  Friends  Scouts 2160 

Negro   Labor   Congress 2263 

New   Age   Publishers 1903 

New  Century  Publishers 2229 

New  York  City  Children's  Conference  Against  War  and  Fascism 2160 

New  York  City  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 2160 

New  York  East  Annual  Conference 2187 

New  Y'ork  East  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Church 2"7l 

New  York  National  Guardsman 2100 

New  York  Public  Library 2088 

New  York  State  Trade  Union  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder 1074 

New  York  Stores  P:mployees  Union,  Local  2 1973 

New  York  University 2115 

North  American  Committee  to  Aid  Spanish  Democracy 2086,  2182 


2296  INDEX 

Page 

Northern  California-Nevada  Council  of  Churches 2271 

OGPU  2049 

Pacific  School  of  Religian,  Berkeley,  Calif 2130 

People's  Congress  for  Peace  and  Democracy 2180 

People's  Institute  of  Applied  Religion 2052 

2053,  2055,  2057,  2058,  2094,  2107,  2177,  2260,  2263-2265 

People's  Lobby 2194 

People's  Mandate  to  Governments 2182 

People's  Press - 2191 

Physician's   Forum 2118 

Pioneers 2087 

Pioneers  of  Ethiopia 2178 

Pioneer  Youth  of  America - 2160 

Presbyterian  Fellowship  for  Social  Action 2126 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary 2025 

Princeton   University 2025 

Profintern _ 2036,  2071,  2079 

Proletarian  Party 2075 

Protestant  Digest  Council  for  Democracy 2231 

Protestant  Forum  Associates 2115 

Rauschenbush  Fellowship  of  Baptists 2126 

Red  International  Labor  Unions 2036 

Red  Trade  Union  International - 2071 

Retail,  Wholesale  and  Department  Store  Union,  CIO 1992 

Retail  &  Wholesale  Department  Store  Clerks,  joint  board 1976 

Rural  Youth  Association 2094 

Russian  National  Mutual  Aid  Society 2160 

Saks 1978 

Samuel  Adams  School 2017,  2018 

Schappes  Defense  Committee 1975'  2094 

Scottsboro  case 2226,'  2227 

Second  United  States  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism 2189 

Second  World  Youth  Congress 2267 

Social  Action  Fellowship 2126 

Social  Action  Movement 2096 

Socialist  Ministers  Protective  Association 2095 

Socialist  Party 2086,  2070,  2075,  2183,  2193,  2194 

Social- Work  Action  Committee 2124 

Society  for  Technical  Aid  to  Russia 2081 

Society  of  the  Godless 2105 

Sound  View   Foundation 2132 

Southern  Conference  for  Human  Welfare 2132,  2133 

Soviet  Embassy,  Washington 2026 

Steel  Workers  Organizing  Committee 2179,  2181 

Student  Religious  Association,  Lane  Hall,  University  of  Michigan 2120 

Teachers  College,  Columbia  University 2106 

Teachers'  Union 2040,  2179,  2183 

Temple    University \ '  2026 

Third  Commission  at  Geneva 2267,  2269 

Third  United  States  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism 2191 

Thirty-third  Division,  Illinois  National  Guard 2189 

Trade  Union  and  Labor  Commission 2192 

212th  Coast  Artillery  Antiaircraft  Regiment 2189,  2190,  2210 

Union  Theological  Seminary 2025,  2076,  2085,  2142,  2186,  2228,  2229,  2273 

Unitarian  Fellowship  for  Social  Justice 2126 

United  American  Spanish  Aid  Committee 2133 

United  Christian  Council  for  Democracy 2114,  2126-2128,  2230-2233 

United  Council  of  Working  Class  Women 2181 

United   Front 2224,  2226,  2227,  2236 

United  Furniture  Workers,  CIO  Local  92 2229- 

United  Mine  Workers  of  America 2184 

United    Nations 2024,  2025,  2108,  2115,  2119,  2125,  2131,  2139,  2245 

United  Nations  Assembly 2252 

United  Nations  Atomic  Energy  Commission 2125 

United  Nations  Relief  and  Rehabilitation  Conference 2108 

United  Nations  Security  Council 2134,2126 

United  Retail  and  Wholesale  Employees  Unions,  Local  2,  CIO 1971, 1975 


INDEX  2297 

Page 

United  Retail  and  Wholesale  Workers  Union,  Local  3 11)72 

URWEDSEA-CIO,  Local  65 1996, 1998 

United  States  Army 2207,  2209 

United  States  Con^^ress  Against  War  and  Fascism 2182,  2193 

United   States  Navy 2203 

United  Steelwurkers  of  America,  CIO 2124 

United  Student  Peace  Committee 21S5 

United  Wliolesale  Employees  of  New  York 1993 

United  Wholesale  and  Warehouse  Workers,  CIO 1992 

University  of  Chicago 2088 

University  of  Chicago  Divinity  School 2215,  2218 

\  iiiveiSiiy  of  Southern  California 2119 

Urban   League 2181 

Vanderbilt    University 2132,  2271 

Western  Reserve   University 2271 

\>  uoiesaie  una  Warehouse  Workers  Union,  Local  65 1997, 1999 

WIL 2180 

Win  tiie  Peace  Conference  in  Washington 1995, 1996 

Women's  Commission  of  the  Communist  Party 2106 

Women's  World  Congress  Against  War  and  Fascism 2195 

Workers    Alliance 2093 

Workers'   Congress 2162 

Workers  International  Relief 2078,  2080,  2154 

Workers  Library  Publishers 2043,  2147,  2225-2227,  2230 

Works  Progress  Administration 2180 

World  Committee  of  the  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 2192 

World  Congress  Against  War 2172 

World  Federation  of  Trade  Unions 2121,  2124,  2135 

World  Labor  Congress 2121 

World  Peace  Congress 2086 

World  Trade-Union  Conference 2121 

World  Youth  Congress 2180 

Yale   University 2059,  2184 

Yale  University  Divinity  School 2248,  2271,  2273 

Yalta  Conference 2114,  2115 

Young  Communist  International 2151,2214,2221,2266 

Young  Communist  League 1991-1994,  2008, 

2009,  2011,  2040,  2083,  2084,  20S6,  2088-2090,  2107,  2114,  2136-2138, 
2140,  2141,  2151,  2157,  2180,  2184,  2194,  2199,  2214,  2220-2223,  2281 

Young  Defenders 2160 

Young  Epics 2184 

Young  Men's  Christian  Association 2074,  2079,  2091,  2181,  2183-2185 

Young  Men's  Hebrew  Association 2180,  2223 

Young  People's  Socialist  League 2184 

Young  People's  Society 2178 

Young  Pioneers 2151,  2157,  2158,  2160,  2164,  2223 

Young  Progressives  of  America 2091 

Young  Women's  Christian  Association 2180,  2181,  2184,  2185 

Youth  Committee  for  May  Day,  1940 2093 

Youth  Conference  Against  War  and  Fascism 2189 

Youth  for  Victory 2017,  2022 

Publications 

American    Magazine 2250 

China  Today 2274 

Christian  Advocate  (The  Voice  of  Methodism) 2139 

Christian  Herald 2019,  2025 

Churchman,  The 2186,  2271 

Communist,  The 2165,  2167,  2227 

Communist   International    (Publication) 2225 

Crisis  Leaflets 2098-2101,  2127 

Daily  People's  World 2022 

Daily    Worker 1971, 

1973-1975,  1977,  1978,  1982,  1988,  1989,  1992,  1994-1996,  1998,  1999, 
2003,  2013,  2020,  2022,  2023,  2032,  2033,  2054,  2088, 2098,  2099,  2115, 
2130,  2131,  2133,  2139,  2215,  2217,  2218,  2225,  2228,  2260,  2262,  2266, 
2270,  2272-2274,  2277,  2281. 


2298  INDEX 

Page 

Equality 2093 

Fight . 20S5 

2088,  2094,  2169,  2173-2175,  2177-2193,  2195-2197,  2192,  2202,  2203, 

2207,  2209,  2210,  2213. 

Harper's 2186 

In  Fact 2109,  2185 

Leaders    Handbook 2095-2097 

London   Times 2241 

Masses  and  Mainstream 2024 

Moscow  News 2250 

New   Masses "2087,  2089,  2oi)3,  ;n30 

New  Pioneer 2149-2158,  2160,  2162,  2164 

New  Republic 2242 

New  World  Review 2228 

New  York  Herald  Tribune 2007,2012,2013,2027,2029 

New  York  Post 2229 

New  York  Times 2033,  2073,  2241.  2274 

New  Y«)rk  World  Telegram 2138,  2139 

Party  Organizer 2224 

Peace  News 2133 

PM "__ir  2100 

Political  Affairs _  2110,  2115,  2118,  2128 

Protestant,  Tlie 2094,  2115,  2132. 

2233,  2235-2237,  2245-2251,  2255,  2256,  2260,  22G6,  2270,  2274 

Protestant  Digest 2058,  2230,  2231,  2233-2236,  2239,  2242,  2243,  2260,  2266,  2270 

Review '  1993 

Social  Questions   Bulletin 2090,2093,2102,2104-2115, 

2117,  2119,  2120,  2122,  2123,  2127,  2130,  2132,  2133,  2134,  2136 

Soviet  Russia  Today 2088,  2092,  2106,  2116 

Spotlight,  AYD 2090 

Survey   Graphic 2076 

This  Week 2029 

Trends  &  Tides 2251 

Volksecho 2130 

Wall  Street  Journal 2239 

Wasliington  Star 19,S3 

Witness 2236,  2271 

Women   Today '  21O6 

Worker 1975, 1999,'2022,  2272 

Worker's    Child 2151 

Young  Communist  League  1938  "Yearbook" l!)91 

Young  Communist  Review 2266,  2267 

Zions   Herald '  2139 


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3  9999  05018  317  5